@article {1244201,
	title = {Is There Hope for Iraq?},
	journal = {The Cairo Review of Global Affairs},
	year = {2017},
	url = {https://www.thecairoreview.com/essays/is-there-hope-for-iraq/},
	author = {Muhamed H. Almaliky}
}
@article {836686,
	title = {Destigmatization andHealth: Cultural Constructions and the Long-term Reduction of Stigma},
	journal = {Social Science \&amp;  Medicine},
	volume = {1},
	number = {10},
	year = {2016},
	month = {Sept 2016},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Matthew Clair and Caitlin Daniel}
}
@article {836681,
	title = {Mutuality, Mobilization, and Messaging for Health Promotion: Toward Collective Cultural Change},
	journal = {Social Science and Medicine},
	number = {Special Issue},
	year = {2016},
	month = {Sept 2016},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Mabel Berezin and Alonzo Plough and Matthew Trujillo}
}
@article {836691,
	title = {Neoliberalism and SymbolicBoundaries in Europe: Global Diffusion, Local Context, Regional Variation},
	journal = {Socius:  Sociological Research for a Dynamic World},
	volume = {2},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {1-8},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Jonathan J. B Mijs and Elyas Bakhtiari}
}
@article {765996,
	title = {La econom{\'\i}a de Cuba ingresa al cuarto quinquenio del siglo XXI: Introducci{\'o}n al dossie},
	journal = {Cuban Studies},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {3-18},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {764276,
	title = {Electoral integrity in East Asia},
	journal = {Taiwan Journal of Democracy},
	volume = {12},
	number = {1},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {1-18},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {764261,
	title = {Why electoral integrity matters},
	journal = {International Political Science Review},
	year = {2016},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {762841,
	title = {La econom{\'\i}a de Cuba ingresa al cuarto quinquenio del siglo XXI: Introducci{\'o}n al dossier},
	journal = {Cuban Studies},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {2-18},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {762111,
	title = {Friendship at Work: Can Peer Effects Catalyze Female Entrepreneurship?},
	journal = {American Economic Journal: Public Policy},
	volume = {8},
	number = {2},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {125-153},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/rpande/publications/friendship-work-can-peer-effects-catalyze-female-entrepreneurship},
	author = {E. Field and S. Jayachandran and R. Pande and N. Rigol}
}
@article {762251,
	title = {Liberalism},
	journal = {The Age of Reflection},
	volume = {2},
	number = {10},
	year = {2016},
	author = {J. Frankel}
}
@article {762131,
	title = {Long-Run Impacts of Land Regulation: Evidence from Tenancy Reform in India},
	journal = { Journal of Development Economics},
	volume = {118},
	number = {1},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {72-87},
	author = {R. Pande and T. Besely and J. Leight and V. Rao}
}
@article {762491,
	title = {Where in the World Are We?},
	journal = { Democracy: a Journal of Ideas},
	volume = {40},
	year = {2016},
	month = {Spring 2016},
	author = {Joseph S. Nye Jr.}
}
@article {590536,
	title = {Shared Cognitive-Emotional-Interactional Platforms: Markers and Conditions for Successful Interdisciplinary Collaborations},
	journal = {Science, Technology, \& Human Values},
	volume = {41},
	number = {4},
	year = {2016},
	pages = {571-612},
	url = {http://sth.sagepub.com/},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Boix Mansilla, Veronica and Sato, Kyoko}
}
@article {510956,
	title = {Race and Responsiveness: An Experiment with South African Politicians},
	journal = {Journal of Experimental Political Science},
	year = {2016},
	abstract = {Do politicians engage in ethnic and racial favoritism when conducting constituency service? This article presents results from a replication field experiment with local South African politicians that tested for racial bias in responsiveness to requests about public goods provision. The experiment represents an adaptation of similar experiments conducted in the United States, extending the design to a different institutional environment, albeit one with a similar racially-charged history. Although one might suppose that politicians in South Africa would seek to avoid racial bias given the recent transition to full democracy, I find that South African politicians{\textemdash}both black and white{\textemdash}are more responsive to same-race constituents than to other-race constituents. Same-race bias is evident in both the dominant and the main opposition political parties. Moreover, politicians are not particularly responsive to anyone. Implications for the further study of democratic responsiveness are discussed.},
	author = {Gwyneth H. McClendon}
}
@article {764296,
	title = {Integridad en las elecciones de Am{\'e}rica 2012-2014},
	journal = {America Latina Hoy},
	volume = {70},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {37-54},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Richard W. Frank}
}
@article {762496,
	title = {Is the American Century Over?},
	journal = {Political Science Quarterly},
	year = {2015},
	month = {Fall 2015},
	pages = {394-400},
	author = {Joseph S. Nye Jr.}
}
@article {762336,
	title = {China is Not Yet Number One},
	journal = {Frontiers of Economics in China},
	volume = {10},
	number = {1},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {1-6},
	author = {J. Frankel}
}
@article {761971,
	title = {Colorblindness and Diversity: Race Frames and Their Consequences for White Undergraduates at Elite US Universities},
	journal = {Ethnic and Racial Studies },
	volume = {38},
	number = {6},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {860-876},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01419870.2014.964281},
	author = {N. Warikoo and J. de Novias}
}
@article {762346,
	title = {The Euro Crisis: Where to From Here?},
	journal = {Journal of Policy Modeling},
	volume = {37},
	number = {3},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {428-444},
	author = {J. Frankel}
}
@article {762156,
	title = {Lower Pollution, Longer Lives" Life Expectancy Gains if India Reduced Particulate Matter Pollution},
	journal = { Economic and Political Weekly},
	year = {2015},
	author = {R. Pande and M. Greenstone and J. Nilekani and A. Sudarshan and A. Suganathan and N. Ryan}
}
@article {627591,
	title = {Refugee Education in Countries of First Asylum: Breaking Open the Black Box of Pre-Resettlement Experiences},
	journal = {Theory and Research in Education},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {1-18},
	abstract = {The number of refugees who have fled across international borders due to conflict and persecution is at the highest level in recorded history. The vast majority of these refugees find exile in low-income countries neighboring their countries of origin. The refugee children who are resettled to North America, Europe, and Australia arrive with previous educational experiences in these countries of first asylum. This article examines these pre-resettlement educational experiences of refugee children, which to date have constituted a {\textquoteleft}black box{\textquoteright} in their post-resettlement education. Analysis is of data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, key informant interviews in 14 countries of first asylum, and ethnographic fieldwork and interviews in four countries. The article argues that contemporary conditions of conflict usefully inform conceptual understanding of refugee education globally, including the types of schools that refugees access in countries of first asylum and their rates of access. It further identifies three empirical themes that are common to the educational experiences of refugees in countries of first asylum: language barriers, teacher-centered pedagogy, and discrimination in school settings. The article examines the theoretical and practical relevance of these pre-resettlement educational experiences for post-resettlement education of refugee children.},
	url = {http://tre.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/12/18/1477878515622703},
	author = {Peterson, Sarah Dryden}
}
@article {565351,
	title = {Book Review: KOSTIS KORNETIS. Children of the Dictatorship: Student Resistance, Cultural Politics, and the {\textquotedblleft}Long 1960s{\textquotedblright} in Greece.},
	journal = {The American Historical Review},
	year = {2015},
	abstract = {Children of the Dictatorship: Student Resistance, Cultural Politics, and the {\textquotedblleft}Long 1960s{\textquotedblright} in Greece\&nbsp;is the first scholarly attempt to write the history of the people who arguably shaped the post-Junta period in Greece (1974 to present) that some have vilified and others glorified. It is an anatomy of the {\textquotedblleft}Polytechnic Generation{\textquotedblright} of Greeks born between 1949 and 1954 who participated in left-wing resistance movements during the Junta (1967{\textendash}1974) and particularly those who remained active in politics thereafter. Kostis Kornetis contributes to the still scarce literature on the Greek dictatorship, problematizing the self-image of the Polytechnic Generation. Kornetis dispels many myths. He debunks the widely held conviction in the literature that foreign cultural influences stupefied the youth and the hypothesis that these protest activities during the dictatorship were a continuation of the protest wave of the 1950s, as well as the still popular view in Greece that the Polytechnic Generation brought down the Junta.},
	url = {http://ahr.oxfordjournals.org/content/120/4/1563.2.extract},
	author = {Mylonas, Harris}
}
@article {565286,
	title = {Threats to Territorial Integrity, National Mass Schooling, and Linguistic Commonality},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {1-34},
	abstract = {Why are some countries more linguistically homogeneous than others? We posit that the international environment in which a state develops partially determines the extent of its linguistic commonality and national cohesion. Specifically, the presence of an external threat of territorial conquest or externally supported secession leads governing elites to have stronger incentives to pursue nation-building strategies to generate national cohesion, often leading to the cultivation of a common national language through mass schooling. Comparing cases with similar levels of initial linguistic heterogeneity, state capacity, and development, but in different international environments, we find that states that did not face external threats to their territorial integrity were more likely to outsource education and other tools for constructing identity to missionaries or other groups, or not to invest in assimilation at all, leading to higher ethnic heterogeneity. States developing in high threat environments were more likely to invest in nation-building strategies to homogenize their populations.},
	author = {Mylonas, Harris and Keith Darden}
}
@article {543406,
	title = {Do States Delegate Shameful Violence to Militias? Patterns of Sexual Violence in Recent Armed Conflicts},
	journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
	volume = {59},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {877-898},
	abstract = {Existing research maintains that governments delegate extreme, gratuitous, or excessively brutal violence to militias. However, analyzing all militias in armed conflicts from 1989 to 2009, we find that this argument does not account for the observed patterns of sexual violence, a form of violence that should be especially likely to be delegated by governments. Instead, we find that states commit sexual violence as a complement to{\textemdash}rather than a substitute for{\textemdash}violence perpetrated by militias. Rather than the logic of delegation, we argue that two characteristics of militia groups increase the probability of perpetrating sexual violence. First, we find that militias that have recruited children are associated with higher levels of sexual violence. This lends support to a socialization hypothesis, in which sexual violence may be used as a tool for building group cohesion. Second, we find that militias that were trained by states are associated with higher levels of sexual violence, which provides evidence for sexual violence as a {\textquoteleft}{\textquoteleft}practice{\textquoteright}{\textquoteright} of armed groups. These two complementary results suggest that militia-perpetrated sexual violence follows a different logic and is neither the result of delegation nor, perhaps, indiscipline.},
	url = {http://jcr.sagepub.com/content/59/5/877.full},
	author = {Cohen, Dara Kay}
}
@article {543396,
	title = {Review of Onur Y{\i}ld{\i}r{\i}m{\textquoteright}s Diplomacy and Displacement: Reconsidering the Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations, 1922-1934},
	journal = {Journal of Cold War Studies},
	volume = {17},
	number = {3},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {268-270},
	abstract = {This book will be of interest to students of the Cold War because it examines the antecedents of the many population movements not only during the interwar period but also after World War II. The Turco-Greek population exchange was not the first exchange in the Balkans (a Greek-Bulgarian voluntary population exchange was signed in 1919, as discussed by Theodora Dragostinova in Between Two Motherlands: Nationality and Emigration among the Greeks of Bulgaria, 1900-1949, published by Cornell University Press in 2011), but because of the large scale of the Greek-Turkish exchange{\textemdash}resulting in more than a million refugees in Greece and half a million in Turkey{\textemdash}its obligatory character, and its relatively organized nature, it has become a reference point for the {\textquotedblleft}transfer of large ethno-religious groups by means of which minorities were forcibly uprooted under the aegis of international law to contribute, in turn, to the reconstitution of ethnically {\textquoteleft}pure{\textquoteright} homogeneous states{\textquotedblright} (p. 10). Many of the examples that are discussed, however, are hardly comparable to the TurcoGreek population exchange and instead constitute instances of disorderly exoduses or unilateral ethnic cleansing.},
	url = {http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.1162/JCWS_r_00510$\#$.Vf9AOmRVikp},
	author = {Mylonas, Harris}
}
@article {532971,
	title = {Corporate Ownership of the Public Debt: Mapping the New Aristocracy of Finance},
	journal = {Socio-Economic Review},
	year = {2015},
	abstract = {In various writings Karl Marx made references to an {\textquoteleft}aristocracy of finance{\textquoteright} in Western Europe and the USA that dominated ownership of the public debt. Drawing on original research, this article offers the first comprehensive analysis of public debt ownership within the US corporate sector. The research shows that over the past three decades, and especially in the context of the current crisis, a new aristocracy of finance has emerged, as holdings of the public debt have become rapidly concentrated in favour of large corporations classified within Finance, Insurance and Real Estate. Operationalizing Wolfgang Streeck{\textquoteright}s concept of the {\textquoteleft}debt state{\textquoteright}, the article goes on to demonstrate how concentration in ownership of the public debt reinforces patterns of social inequality and proceeds in tandem with a shift in government policy, one that prioritizes the interests of government bondholders over the general citizenry.},
	url = {http://ser.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2015/07/01/ser.mwv013.short?rss=1},
	author = {Hager, Sandy Brian}
}
@article {525666,
	title = {Methodological Problems in the Study of Nation-Building: Behaviorism and Historicist Solutions in Political Science},
	journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
	volume = {96},
	number = {3},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {740-758},
	abstract = {The goal of this article is to highlight the methodological problems involved in the study of nation-building and propose solutions. I identify three categories of methodological problems that flow from respective practices in social science research: (i) inferring intentions from observed behavior or outcomes; (ii) relying on census data to infer a country{\textquoteright}s ethnic diversity; and (iii) arbitrary periodization and anachronism, that is, attributing certain actions to concepts and/or phenomena that were not politically salient or even understood by the actors under study.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ssqu.12189/abstract},
	author = {Mylonas, Harris}
}
@article {525621,
	title = {Systematic Bias and Nontransparency in US Social Security Administration Forecasts},
	journal = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
	volume = {29},
	number = {2},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {239-258},
	abstract = {The financial stability of four of the five largest U.S. federal entitlement programs, strategic decision making in several industries, and many academic publications all depend on the accuracy of demographic and financial forecasts made by the Social Security Administration (SSA). Although the SSA has performed these forecasts since 1942, no systematic and comprehensive evaluation of their accuracy has ever been published by SSA or anyone else. The absence of a systematic evaluation of forecasts is a concern because the SSA relies on informal procedures that are potentially subject to inadvertent biases and does not share with the public, the scientific community, or other parts of SSA sufficient data or information necessary to replicate or improve its forecasts. These issues result in SSA holding a monopoly position in policy debates as the sole supplier of fully independent forecasts and evaluations of proposals to change Social Security. To assist with the forecasting evaluation problem, we collect all SSA forecasts for years that have passed and discover error patterns that could have been{\textemdash}and could now be{\textemdash}used to improve future forecasts. Specifically, we find that after 2000, SSA forecasting errors grew considerably larger and most of these errors made the Social Security Trust Funds look more financially secure than they actually were. In addition, SSA{\textquoteright}s reported uncertainty intervals are overconfident and increasingly so after 2000. We discuss the implications of these systematic forecasting biases for public policy.},
	url = {http://gking.harvard.edu/publications/systematic-Bias-And-Nontransparency-Us-Social-Securityadministration-Forecasts},
	author = {Gary King and Kashin, Konstantin and Samir Soneji}
}
@article {510996,
	title = {A Unified Approach to Measurement Error and Missing Data: Overview and Applications},
	journal = {Sociological Methods and Research},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {1-39},
	abstract = {Although social scientists devote considerable effort to mitigating measurement error during data collection, they often ignore the issue during data analysis. And although many statistical methods have been proposed for reducing measurement error-induced biases, few have been widely used because of implausible assumptions, high levels of model dependence, difficult computation, or inapplicability with multiple mismeasured variables. We develop an easy-to-use alternative without these problems; it generalizes the popular multiple imputation (MI) framework by treating missing data problems as a limiting special case of extreme measurement error, and corrects for both. Like MI, the proposed framework is a simple two-step procedure, so that in the second step researchers can use whatever statistical method they would have if there had been no problem in the first place. We also offer empirical illustrations, open source software that implements all the methods described herein, and a companion paper with technical details and extensions (Blackwell, Honaker, and King, 2014b).},
	url = {http://gking.harvard.edu/publications/multiple-Overimputation-Unified-Approach-Measurement-Error-And-Missing-Data},
	author = {Gary King and Matthew Blackwell and James Honaker}
}
@article {499351,
	title = {Fair is Fair: Social Preferences and Reciprocity in International Politics},
	journal = {World Politics},
	year = {2015},
	abstract = {Behavioral economics has shown that people often diverge from classical assumptions about self-interested behavior: they have social preferences and are concerned about issues of fairness and reciprocity. Social psychologists show that these preferences vary across actors, with some displaying more prosocial value orientations than others. Integrating a laboratory bargaining experiment with original archival research on Anglo-French and Franco-German diplomacy during the interwar period, the authors show how fairness and reciprocity matter in social interactions. That prosocials do not exploit their bargaining leverage to the degree that proselfs do helps explain why some pairs of actors are better able to avoid bargaining failure than others. In the face of consistent egoism on the part of negotiating partners, however, prosocials engage in negative reciprocity and adopt the same behaviors as proselfs.},
	url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online\&aid=9860327\&fulltextType=RA\&fileId=S0043887115000180},
	author = {Kertzer, Joshua D. and Rathbun, Brian C.}
}
@article {499361,
	title = {A Unified Approach to Measurement Error and Missing Data: Details and Extensions},
	journal = {Sociological Methods and Research},
	year = {2015},
	abstract = {We extend a unified and easy-to-use approach to measurement error and missing data. In our companion article, Blackwell, Honaker, and King give an intuitive overview of the new technique, along with practical suggestions and empirical applications. Here, we offer more precise technical details, more sophisticated measurement error model specifications and estimation procedures, and analyses to assess the approach{\textquoteright}s robustness to correlated measurement errors and to errors in categorical variables. These results support using the technique to reduce bias and increase efficiency in a wide variety of empirical research.},
	url = {http://gking.harvard.edu/files/gking/files/measured.pdf},
	author = {Gary King and Matthew Blackwell and James Honaker}
}
@article {495311,
	title = {Decomposing Audience Costs: Bringing the Audience Back into Audience Cost Theory},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	year = {2015},
	abstract = {According to a growing tradition in International Relations, one way governments can credibly signal their intentions in foreign policy crises is by creating domestic audience costs: leaders can tie their hands by publicly threatening to use force since domestic publics punish leaders who say one thing and do another. We argue here that there are actually two logics of audience costs: audiences can punish leaders both for being inconsistent (the traditional audience cost), and for threatening to use force in the first place (a belligerence cost). We employ an experiment that disentangles these two rationales, and turn to a series of dispositional characteristics from political psychology to bring the audience into audience cost theory. Our results suggest that traditional audience cost experiments may overestimate how much people care about inconsistency, and that the logic of audience costs (and the implications for crisis bargaining) varies considerably with the leader{\textquoteright}s constituency.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ajps.12201/abstract},
	author = {Kertzer, Joshua D. and Brutger, Ryan}
}
@article {495326,
	title = {Religion As A Stimulant of Political Participation: Evidence from an Experiment in Nairobi, Kenya},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	volume = {77},
	number = {04},
	year = {2015},
	author = {Gwyneth H. McClendon}
}
@article {458666,
	title = {Counterrevolutionary Russia},
	journal = {New York Times},
	year = {2015},
	note = {New York Times op-ed written by Roger Cohen on June 25, 2015 from the 2015 WCFIA Talloires Conference that was held on June 19{\textendash}21, 2015.},
	url = {http://www.nytimes.com/2015/06/26/opinion/roger-cohen-counterrevolutionary-russia.html},
	author = {Cohen, Roger}
}
@article {383501,
	title = {Not All Dictators Are Equal: Coups, Fraudulent Elections, and the Selective Targeting of Democratic Sanctions},
	journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
	volume = {Vol. 52},
	number = {1},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {17{\textendash}31},
	abstract = {Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have frequently used sanctions to fight declining levels of democracy and human rights violations abroad. However, some of the world{\textquoteright}s most repressive autocracies have never been subjected to sanctions, while other more competitive authoritarian regimes have been exposed to repeated sanction episodes. In this article, we concentrate on the cost{\textendash}benefit analysis of Western senders that issue democratic sanctions, those which aim to instigate democratization, against authoritarian states. We argue that Western leaders weight domestic and international pressure to impose sanctions against the probability of sanction success and the sender{\textquoteright}s own political and economic costs. Their cost{\textendash}benefit calculus is fundamentally influenced by the strength of trigger events indicating infringements of democratic and human rights. Western sanction senders are most likely to respond to coups d{\textquoteright}e{\textasciiacute}tat, the most drastic trigger events, and tend to sanction vulnerable targets to a higher extent than stable authoritarian regimes. Senders are also more likely to sanction poor targets less integrated in the global economy and countries that do not align with the Western international political agenda, especially in responding to {\textquoteleft}weaker{\textquoteright} trigger events such as controversial elections. The analysis is carried out using a new dataset of US and EU sanctions against authoritarian states in the period 1990{\textendash}2010.},
	url = {http://jpr.sagepub.com/content/52/1/17},
	author = {von Soest, Christian and Wahman, Michael}
}
@article {378891,
	title = {Mending Iraq},
	journal = {Foreign Affairs},
	year = {2015},
	url = {http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/142780/muhamed-h-almaliky/mending-iraq},
	author = {Muhamed H. Almaliky}
}
@article {373676,
	title = {Filtering Revolution: Reporting Bias in International Newspaper Coverage of the Libyan Civil War},
	journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
	year = {2015},
	abstract = {Reporting bias{\textendash}the media{\textquoteright}s tendency to systematically underreport or overreport certain types of events{\textendash}is a persistent problem for participants and observers of armed conflict. We argue that the nature of reporting bias depends on how news organizations navigate the political context in which they are based. Where government pressure on the media is limited{\textendash}in democratic regimes{\textendash}the scope of reporting should reflect conventional media preferences toward novel, large-scale, dramatic developments that challenge the conventional wisdom and highlight the unsustainability of the status quo. Where political constraints on reporting are more onerous{\textendash}in non-democratic regimes{\textendash}the more conservative preferences of the state will drive the scope of coverage, emphasizing the legitimacy and inevitability of the prevailing order. We test these propositions using new data on protest and political violence during the 2011 Libyan uprising and daily newspaper coverage of the Arab Spring from 113 countries. We uncover evidence of a status-quo media bias in non-democratic states, and a revisionist bias in democratic states. Media coverage in non-democracies underreported protests and nonviolent collective action by regime opponents, largely ignored government atrocities, and overreported those caused by rebels. We find the opposite patterns in democratic states.},
	author = {Baum, Matthew and Zhukov, Yuri M.}
}
@article {221196,
	title = {New Directions in the Sociology of Development},
	journal = {Annual Review of Sociology},
	volume = {41},
	year = {2015},
	author = {Viterna, Jocelyn and Cassandra Robertson}
}
@article {765646,
	title = {Beyond quotas: Strategies to promote gender equality in elected office},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	volume = {62},
	number = {1},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {1-19},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Mona Lena Krook}
}
@article {765641,
	title = {Measuring electoral integrity around the world: A new dataset},
	journal = {PS: Political Science \&amp; Politics},
	volume = {47},
	number = {4},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {1-10},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Ferran Martinez i Coma and Richard W. Frank}
}
@article {762921,
	title = {Advancing Electoral Integrity},
	journal = {Oxford University Press},
	year = {2014},
	month = {New York},
	editor = {Norris, Pippa and Richard W. Frank and Ferran Martinez i Coma}
}
@article {762186,
	title = {Are Poor Voters Indifferent to Whether Elected Leaders are Criminal or Corrupt? A Vignette Experiment in Rural India},
	journal = {Political Communications},
	volume = {31},
	number = {3},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {391-407},
	author = {A. Banerjee and D. Green and J. McManus and R. Pande}
}
@article {761976,
	title = {Beyond the Numbers: Institutional Influences on Experiences with Diversity on Elite College Campuses},
	journal = {Sociological Forum},
	volume = {29},
	number = {4},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {959-981},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/socf.12128/abstract},
	author = {N. Warikoo and S. Deckman}
}
@article {762176,
	title = {Do Group Dynamics Influence Social Capital Gains Among Microfinance Clients? Evidence From a Randomized Experiment in Urban India},
	journal = {Journal of Policy Analysis and Management},
	volume = {33},
	number = {4},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {932-949},
	author = {B.  Feigenberg and E. Field and R. Pande and N. Rigol and S. Sarkar}
}
@article {762371,
	title = {Effects of Speculation and Interest Rates in a "Carry Trade" model of Commodity Prices},
	journal = {Journal of International Money and Finance},
	volume = {42},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {88-112},
	author = {J. Frankel}
}
@article {761981,
	title = {Legitimating Status: Perceptions of Meritocracy and Inequality among Undergraduates at an Elite British University},
	journal = {British Education Research Journal},
	volume = {40},
	number = {4},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {699-717},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/berj.3108/abstract},
	author = {N. Warikoo and C. Fuhr}
}
@article {762361,
	title = {Nominal GDP Targeting for Middle-Income Countries},
	journal = {Central Bank Review },
	volume = {14},
	number = {3},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {1-14},
	url = {https://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/jfrankel/NGDPtargtsMidIncomeCsMarJu.pdf},
	author = {J. Frankel}
}
@article {762366,
	title = {Sustainable Cooperation in Global Climate Policy: Specific Formulas and Emission Targets},
	journal = {Climate Change Economics },
	volume = {5},
	number = {3},
	year = {2014},
	url = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w17669},
	author = {J. Frankel}
}
@article {761316,
	title = {The Economics of Fair Trade},
	journal = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
	volume = {28},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {217-236},
	url = { http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/dragusanu_giovannucci_nunn_jep_2014.pdf},
	author = {Raluca Dragusanu and Daniele Giovannucci and Nunn, Nathan}
}
@article {761341,
	title = {US Food Aid and Civil Conflict},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	year = {2014},
	month = {2014},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/faidconf_20130806_final_0.pdf},
	author = {Nunn, Nathan and Qian, Nancy}
}
@article {591846,
	title = {How Neo-Liberalism has Transformed France{\textquoteright}s Symbolic Boundaries?},
	journal = {French Politics, Culture \& Society},
	volume = {32},
	number = {2},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {57-75},
	abstract = {This paper considers changes in the symbolic boundaries of French society under the influence of neoliberalism. As compared to the early nineties, stronger boundaries toward the poor and Blacks are now being drawn while North-African immigrants and their offsprings continue to be largely perceived as outside the community of those who deserve recognition and protection. Moreover, while the social reproduction of upper-middle class privileges has largely remained unchanged, there is a blurring of the symbolic boundaries separating the middle and working class as the latter has undergone strong individualization. Also, the youth is now bearing the brunt of France{\textquoteright}s non-adaptation to changes in the economy and is increasingly marginalized. The result is a dramatic change in the overall contours of the French symbolic community, with a narrowed definition of cultural membership, and this, against a background of growing inequality, unemployment, and intolerance in a more open and deregulated labor market.},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/lamont/files/lamonthowneo-liberalism2014.pdf},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Duvoux, Nicolas}
}
@article {591866,
	title = {Looking Back at Social Knowledge in the Making},
	journal = {Sociologica 2},
	year = {2014},
	abstract = {We are grateful to Matteo Bortolini for initiating a symposium around Social Knowledge in the Making (SKM). As a collective project, this book was with us for several years and was a welcomed opportunity for stimulating dialogue between the three co-editors. It is with pleasure that we now respond to Matteo{\textquoteright}s invitation to reflect on the fate of the adventure two years after the book{\textquoteright}s publication. We address how it has been received, whether the reception has met our expectations, and respond to the specific reactions of Kelly Moore, Johannes Angermuller, and Kristoffer Kropp published in this symposium. We appreciate that these talented sociologists of the social sciences and the humanities took on the challenge of engaging our work.},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Camic, Charles and Gross, Neil}
}
@article {591841,
	title = {Reflections Inspired by Ethnic Boundary Making: Institutions, Power, Networks by Andreas Wimmer},
	journal = {Ethnic and Racial Studies},
	volume = {37},
	number = {5},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {814-819},
	abstract = {This essay engages with Wimmer{\textquoteright}s Ethnic Boundary Making to consider how cultural processes feed into inequality. It describes the strengths of the book, relates it to my early work, and draws on Lamont, Beljean, and Clair (forthcoming), to describe two types of identification processes (racialization and stigmatization) and two types of rationalization processes (standardization and evaluation) that contribute to an understanding of the relationship between symbolic and social boundaries. It stresses similarities and differences between approaches and suggests possible points for convergence.},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/lamont/files/lamont_reflectionsinspiredbyethnicboundarymaking.pdf},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le}
}
@article {495316,
	title = {Moral Support: How Moral Values Shape Foreign Policy Attitudes},
	journal = { The Journal of Politics},
	volume = {76},
	number = {03},
	year = {2014},
	abstract = {Although classical international relations theorists largely agreed that public opinion about foreign policy is shaped by moral sentiments, public opinion scholars have yet to explore the content of these moral values, and American IR theorists have tended to exclusively associate morality with liberal idealism. Integrating the study of American foreign policy attitudes with Moral Foundations Theory from social psychology, we present original survey data showing that the five established moral values in psychology{\textemdash}harm/care, fairness/reciprocity, authority/respect, ingroup/loyalty, and purity/sanctity{\textemdash}are strongly and systematically associated with foreign policy attitudes. The {\textquotedblleft}individualizing{\textquotedblright} foundations of harm/care and fairness/reciprocity are particularly important drivers of cooperative internationalism and the {\textquotedblleft}binding{\textquotedblright} foundations of authority/respect, ingroup/loyalty, and purity/sanctity of militant internationalism. Hawks and hardliners have morals too, just a different set of moral values than the Enlightenment ones emphasized by liberal idealists.},
	url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online\&aid=9293044\&fileId=S0022381614000073},
	author = {Kertzer, Joshua D.}
}
@article {334681,
	title = {Social Esteem and Participation in Contentious Politics: A Field Experiment at an LGBT Pride Rally},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	volume = {58},
	number = {2},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {279-290},
	abstract = {What motivates individuals to participate in contentious, political forms of collective action? In this article, I consider the possibility that the promise of social esteem from an ingroup can act as a powerful selective incentive for individuals to participate in contentious politics. I conducted a field experiment{\textemdash}the first to my knowledge to take place in the context of a political march, rally, or social-identity event{\textemdash}to isolate this esteem mechanism from others. Using measures of intent to attend, actual attendance, and reported attendance at a gay and lesbian pride event in New Jersey, I find evidence that the promise of social esteem boosts all three measures of participation. The article offers new theoretical and practical implications for the study of participation in nonvoting forms of collective action.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/ajps.12076/pdf},
	author = {Gwyneth H. McClendon}
}
@article {328731,
	title = {Which Land Is Our Land? Domestic Politics and Change in the Territorial Claims of Stateless Nationalist Movements},
	journal = {Security Studies},
	volume = {23},
	number = {4},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {54-786},
	abstract = {Why do stateless nationalist movements change the area they see as appropriately constituting the nation-state they aspire to establish? This article draws a number of hypotheses from the literature on nationalism and state formation and compares the predictions of each about the timing, direction, and process of change to the empirical record in two stateless national movements in the post-Ottoman space: Fatah and the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. Based on this investigation, the article argues that shifts in the areas stateless nationalist movements seek as their nation-states occur as a byproduct of the politically competitive domestic environment in which these movements are embedded. As nationalist movements engage in the competition for mundane power and survival, their leaders may alter their rhetoric about the extent of the desired national state to meet immediate political challenges that are often only loosely related to territorial issues. If these, initially tactical, rhetorical modulations successfully resolve the short-term challenges that spurred their adoption, they can become institutionalized as comprising the new territorial scope of the desired national state.},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09636412.2014.964996$\#$.VIDSH9LF9AI},
	author = {Mylonas, Harris and Nadav G. Shelef}
}
@article {302111,
	title = {Examining Economic Webs},
	journal = {Harvard Magazine},
	year = {2014},
	abstract = {{\textquotedblleft}THERE WAS a longish period in the 1990s and the early part of this century when economic history was very much out of fashion, at least in history departments,{\textquotedblright} says Knowles professor of history Emma Rothschild. She has played a role in the recent revival of the field, originally established in the 1890s in Great Britain, the United States, and France. As director of the Joint Center for History and Economics, which is, as she puts it, {\textquotedblleft}one center in two locations{\textquotedblright} (at Harvard and at Cambridge University), she has been shepherding new scholarly collaborations and directions.
A project on the history of energy (and climate change) seeks to widen perspectives on past economic, social, and environmental processes by studying energy use and transformation. The field has been pursued in Cambridge, England, for some 20 years, says Rothschild, and has recently seen {\textquotedblleft}outstanding work,{\textquotedblright} by Harvard doctoral students looking at early responses to climate change in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. {\textquotedblleft}Climate change was then thought to be strongly associated with desertification,{\textquotedblright} she explains, {\textquotedblleft}not with atmospheric change. They are very different physical processes.{\textquotedblright} Like an earlier project that elucidated the negative impacts of past economic crises on the health of millions of people{\textemdash}undertaken in the midst of the recession that began in 2008-2009{\textemdash}the study of the history of energy aims to be relevant to the concerns of the present.
The center is also undertaking a quantitative approach to historical social networks. The idea of using network analysis{\textemdash}including computer-generated visualizations of social networks{\textemdash}came from conversations with economists, says Rothschild, {\textquotedblleft}in particular Ben Golub,{\textquotedblright} a postdoctoral fellow at the center who in 2015 will join the Harvard economics faculty. Rothschild first used the technique while working on a book about the Johnstones, a Scottish family with global reach. {\textquotedblleft}The book was an attempt to follow the lives of all the brothers and sisters,{\textquotedblright} both those who traveled the world and those who stayed home. Several became slave owners, while others strongly opposed the practice. The project in time expanded to follow the lives of some of the Johnstone slaves as well{\textemdash}and it continues to grow. {\textquotedblleft}It{\textquoteright}s an interesting example of how history is becoming more open-ended,{\textquotedblright} Rothschild reflects. {\textquotedblleft}I feel the project is never going to be finished, because people keep finding new things about this large, eighteenth-century family.{\textquotedblright} Ian Kumekawa {\textquoteright}12 (now a doctoral student in history at Harvard), who worked with Rothschild on the project, says that what really excited him about getting involved with this story of empire, slavery, and commerce was the use of network visualization {\textquotedblleft}not just [as] an infographic{\textquotedblright} but as {\textquotedblleft}a research tool.{\textquotedblright}
Rothschild is now studying 83 people who signed a document in eighteenth-century provincial France. {\textquotedblleft}You can{\textquoteright}t really hold the social connections among 83 people in your head,{\textquotedblright} she notes, {\textquotedblleft}because it is beyond the capacity of the human social imagination. But by visualizing some of these relationships, you can see how information is likely to spread in a social network. It{\textquoteright}s been an exciting collaboration in all sorts of ways among historians, economists, computer scientists, and others who work on visualization techniques,{\textquotedblright} but also, she emphasizes, {\textquotedblleft}among very different kinds of historians.{\textquotedblright} In addition to Rothschild{\textquoteright}s own study of poor artisans in eighteenth-century France, there are projects on ancient Rome, early-twentieth-century economists in Cambridge, England, and the spread of political information in seventeenth-century England. Despite her colleagues{\textquoteright} disparate interests, she says, {\textquotedblleft}We{\textquoteright}ve been finding quite a lot to talk about{\textemdash}it{\textquoteright}s a different way of thinking.{\textquotedblright}},
	url = {http://harvardmagazine.com/2014/11/examining-economic-webs},
	author = {Rothschild, Emma}
}
@article {212161,
	title = {Frames and Consensus Formation in International Relations: The Case of Trafficking in Persons},
	journal = {European Journal of International Relations},
	year = {2014},
	month = {30 May, 2014},
	abstract = {This article examines the process of consensus formation by the international community on how to confront the problem of trafficking in persons. We analyze the corpus of UNGA Third Committee resolutions to show that (1) consensus around the issue of how to confront trafficking in persons has increased over time; and (2) the formation of this consensus depends on how the issue is framed. We test our argument by examining the characteristics of resolutions{\textquoteright} sponsors and discursive framing concepts such as crime, human rights, and the strength of enforcement language. We conclude that the consensus formation process in international relations is more aptly described as one of {\textquotedblleft}accommodation{\textquotedblright} through issue linkage than a process of persuasion.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons and Charnysh, Volha and Paulette Lloyd}
}
@article {212176,
	title = {Bargaining over BITs, Arbitrating Awards: The Regime for Protection and Promotion of International Investment},
	journal = {World Politics},
	volume = {66},
	number = {1},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {12-46},
	abstract = {The regime for international investment is extraordinary in public international law and controversial in many regions of the world. This article explores two aspects of this set of rules: its decentralization and the unusual powers it gives to private actors to invoke dispute settlement. Decentralization has contributed to a competitive environment for ratification of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and has elevated the importance of dyadic bargaining power in the formation of the regime. Governments of developing countries are more likely to enter into BITs and tie their hands more tightly when they are in a weak bargaining position, which in turn is associated with economic downtowns of the domestic economy. Once committed, investors have sued governments with surprising regularity, arguably contributing disproportionately to legal awards that favor the private corporate actors who have the power to convene the dispute settlement system. One of the conclusions is that it is important not only to consider whether BITs attract capital - which hs been the focus of nearly all the empirical research on BIT effects - but also to investigate the governance consequences of the international investment regime generally.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {212171,
	title = {Rewards for Ratification: Payoffs for Participating in the International Human Rights Regime?},
	journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
	year = {2014},
	month = {18 June, 2014},
	abstract = {Among the explanations for state ratification of human rights treaties, few are more common and widely accepted than the conjecture that states are rewarded for ratification by other states. These rewards are expected to come in the form of tangible benefits - foreign aid, trade, and investment - and intangible benefits such as praise, acceptance, and legitimacy. Surprisingly, these explanations for ratification have never been tested empirically. We summarize and clarify the theoretical underpinnings of "reward-for-ratification" theories and test these propositions empirically by looking for increased international aid, economic agreements and public praise and recognition following ratification of four prominent human rights treaties. We find almost no evidence that states can expect increased tangible or intangible rewards after ratification. Given the lack of empirical support, alternative explanations seem more appealing for understanding human rights treaty ratification.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons and Richard A. Nielsen}
}
@article {211516,
	title = {Politics by Number: Indicators as Social Pressure in International Relations},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	year = {2014},
	month = {23 Apr, 2014},
	abstract = {The ability to monitor state behavior has become a critical tool of international governance. Systematic monitoring allows for the creation of numerical indicators that can be used to rank, compare and essentially censure states. This article argues that the ability to disseminate such numerical indicators widely and instantly constitutes an exercise of social power, with the potential to change important policy outputs. It explores this argument in the context of the United States{\textquoteright} efforts to combat trafficking in persons and find evidence that monitoring has important effects: countries are more likely to criminalize human trafficking when they are included in the US annual Trafficking in Persons Report, while countries that are placed on a {\textquotedblleft}watch list{\textquotedblright} are also more likely to criminalize. These findings have broad implications for international governance and the exercise of soft power in the global information age.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons and Judith Kelley}
}
@article {211501,
	title = {Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict: Introducing the SVAC Dataset, 1989-2009},
	journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
	volume = {51},
	number = {3},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {418-428},
	abstract = {Which armed groups have perpetrated sexual violence in recent conflicts? This article presents patterns from the new Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict (SVAC) dataset. The dataset, coded from the three most widely used sources in the quantitative human rights literature, covers 129 active conflicts, and the 625 armed actors involved in these conflicts, during the period 1989{\textendash}2009. The unit of observation is the conflict-actor-year, allowing for detailed analysis of the patterns of perpetration of sexual violence for each conflict actor. The dataset captures six dimensions of sexual violence: prevalence, perpetrators, victims, forms, location, and timing. In addition to active conflict-years, the dataset also includes reports of sexual violence committed by conflict actors in the five years post-conflict. We use the data to trace variation in reported conflict-related sexual violence over time, space, and actor type, and outline the dataset{\textquoteright}s potential utility for scholars. Among the insights offered are that the prevalence of sexual violence varies dramatically by perpetrator group, suggesting that sexual violations are common {\textendash} but not ubiquitous. In addition, we find that state militaries are more likely to be reported as perpetrators of sexual violence than either rebel groups or militias. Finally, reports of sexual violence continue into the post-conflict period, sometimes at very high levels. The data may be helpful both to scholars and policymakers for better understanding the patterns of sexual violence, its causes, and its consequences.},
	url = {http://jpr.sagepub.com/content/51/3/418?etoc},
	author = {Cohen, Dara Kay and Ragnhild Nord{\r a}s}
}
@article {207551,
	title = {Political Institutions and Productivity Growth in\&nbsp;Africa{\textquoteright}s {\textquotedblleft}Renaissance{\textquotedblright}},
	year = {2014},
	abstract = {People speak of an {\textquotedblleft}African renaissance.{\textquotedblright} We report and explore data that suggest that the continent{\textquoteright}s return to positive growth can near entirely be explained by changes in total factor productivity growth. We find as well that changes in Africa{\textquoteright}s political institutions played a major role in this transition and that the channel linking institutional change to changes in economic performance runs in significant part through changes in policy choices. We conclude with reasons to be cautious in assessments of the depth and durability of the changes in Africa{\textquoteright}s economies.},
	author = {Bates, Robert H. and Block, Steven}
}
@article {201221,
	title = {Methodological Pluralism and the Possibilities and Limits of Interviewing},
	journal = {Qualitative Sociology},
	volume = {37},
	number = {2},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {153-171},
	abstract = {Against the background of recent methodological debates pitting ethnography against interviewing, this paper offers a defense of the latter and argues for methodological pluralism and pragmatism and against methodological tribalism. Drawing on our own work and on other sources, we discuss some of the strengths and weaknesses of interviewing. We argue that concern over whether attitudes correspond to behavior is an overly narrow and misguided question. Instead we offer that we should instead consider what interviewing and other data gathering techniques are best suited for. In our own work, we suggest, we have used somewhat unusual interviewing techniques to reveal how institutional systems and the construction of social categories, boundaries, and status hierarchies organize social experience. We also point to new methodological challenges, particularly concerning the incorporation of historical and institutional dimensions into interview-based studies. We finally describe fruitful directions for future research, which may result in methodological advances while bringing together the strengths of various data collection techniques.},
	url = {www.dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11133-014-9274-z},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Ann Swidler}
}
@article {201226,
	title = {What is Missing? Cultural Processes and Causal Pathways to Inequality},
	journal = {Socio-Economic Review},
	volume = {12},
	number = {3},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {573-608},
	abstract = {This paper provides a framework for understanding the ways in which social processes produce social inequality. Specifically, we focus on a particular type of social process that has received limited attention in the literature and in which inter-subjective meaning-making is central: cultural processes. Much of the literature on inequality has focused on the actions of dominant actors and institutions in gaining access to material and non-material resources, or on how ecological effects cause unequal access to material resources. In contrast, we focus on processes that contribute to the production (and reproduction) of inequality through the routine and taken-for-granted actions of both dominant and subordinate actors. We highlight two types of cultural processes: identification and rationalization. We describe and illustrate four processes that we consider to be significant analytical exemplars of these two types of cultural processes: racialization and stigmatization (for identification) and standardization and evaluation (for rationalization). We argue that attention to such cultural processes is critical and complementary to current explanations of social inequality.},
	url = {www.dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwu011},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Stefan Beljean and Matthew Clair}
}
@article {199026,
	title = {Theorizing the Relationship Between NGOs and the State in Medical Humanitarian Development Projects},
	journal = {Social Science and Medicine},
	year = {2014},
	month = {Nov 2014},
	pages = {1-9},
	abstract = {Social scientists have fiercely debated the relationship between non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the state in NGO-led development projects. However, this research often carries an implicit, and often explicit, anti-state bias, suggesting that when NGOs collaborate with states, they cease to be a progressive force. This literature thus fails to recognize the state as a complex, heterogeneous, and fragmented entity. In particular, the unique political context within which an NGO operates is likely to influence how it carries out its work. In this article, we ask: how do NGOs work and build relationships with different types of states and {\textendash} of particular relevance to practitioners {\textendash} what kinds of relationship building lead to more successful development outcomes on the ground? Drawing on 29 in-depth interviews with members of Partners in Health and Oxfam America conducted between September 2010 and February 2014, we argue that NGOs and their medical humanitarian projects are more likely to succeed when they adjust how they interact with different types of states through processes of interest harmonization and negotiation. We offer a theoretical model for understanding how these processes occur across organizational fields. Specifically, we utilize field overlap theory to illuminate how successful outcomes depend on NGOs{\textquoteright} ability to leverage resources {\textendash} alliances and networks; political, financial, and cultural resources; and frames {\textendash} across state and non-state fields. By identifying how NGOs can increase the likelihood of project success, our research should be of interest to activists, practitioners, and scholars.},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277953614002834},
	author = {Asad Asad and Kay, Tamara}
}
@article {197256,
	title = {A System for Household Enumeration and Re-identification in Densely Populated Slums to Facilitate Community Research, Education, and Advocacy},
	journal = {PLOS One},
	volume = {9},
	number = {4},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {e93925},
	abstract = {BackgroundWe devised and implemented an innovative Location-Based Household Coding System (LBHCS) appropriate to a densely populated informal settlement in Mumbai, India.
Methods and Findings LBHCS codes were designed to double as unique household identifiers and as walking directions; when an entire community is enumerated, LBHCS codes can be used to identify the number of households located per road (or lane) segment. LBHCS was used in community-wide biometric, mental health, diarrheal disease, and water poverty studies. It also facilitated targeted health interventions by a research team of youth from Mumbai, including intensive door-to-door education of residents, targeted follow-up meetings, and a full census. In addition, LBHCS permitted rapid and low-cost preparation of GIS mapping of all households in the slum, and spatial summation and spatial analysis of survey data.
Conclusion LBHCS was an effective, easy-to-use, affordable approach to household enumeration and re-identification in a densely populated informal settlement where alternative satellite imagery and GPS technologies could not be used.},
	url = {www.dx.doi.org/ 10.1371/journal.pone.0093925},
	author = {Ramnath Subbaraman}
}
@article {192906,
	title = {The {\textquoteleft}Urban Age{\textquoteright} in Question},
	journal = {International Journal of Urban and Regional Research},
	volume = {38},
	number = {3},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {731{\textendash}755},
	abstract = {Foreboding declarations about contemporary urban trends pervade early twenty-first century academic, political and journalistic discourse. Among the most widely recited is the claim that we now live in an {\textquoteleft}urban age{\textquoteright} because, for the first time in human history, more than half the world{\textquoteright}s population today purportedly lives within cities. Across otherwise diverse discursive, ideological and locational contexts, the urban age thesis has become a form of doxic common sense around which questions regarding the contemporary global urban condition are framed. This article argues that, despite its long history and its increasingly widespread influence, the urban age thesis is a flawed basis on which to conceptualize world urbanization patterns: it is empirically untenable (a statistical artifact) and theoretically incoherent (a chaotic conception). This critique is framed against the background of postwar attempts to measure the world{\textquoteright}s urban population, the main methodological and theoretical conundrums of which remain fundamentally unresolved in early twenty-first century urban age discourse. The article concludes by outlining a series of methodological perspectives for an alternative understanding of the contemporary global urban condition.},
	url = {http://www.ijurr.org/details/article/6051241/The_x2018Urban_Agex2019_in_Question.html},
	author = {Brenner, Neil and Schmid, Christian}
}
@article {192331,
	title = {Bringing Global Education to the Core of Undergraduate Curriculum},
	journal = {Diversity \& Democracy},
	volume = {17},
	number = {2},
	year = {2014},
	abstract = {Living in a highly interdependent world is not an option{\textemdash}but at present, being educated to do so competently is. Despite the many courses and initiatives designed to support international and global education in colleges and universities around the country, the undergraduate curriculum as a whole is not adequately preparing most students to be capable global citizens (see Reimers 2013; National Research Council 2007). Lack of serious commitment to designing a curriculum that prioritizes global learning for all undergraduates has on most campuses made global education a peripheral undertaking, limited primarily to those students and faculty specializing in international area studies. Without leadership to make global education more central to the undergraduate curriculum, global learning will become ever more marginal{\textemdash}with compounding consequences for most college graduates, who will be ill-equipped to live as global citizens.
Bringing global education to the core must begin with deliberation among faculty and administrators about the kinds of competencies graduates should be able to demonstrate, and to what purpose. Imagine, for example, a world where all college graduates understand how their lives are influenced by global processes and events, where they have the motivation and capacity to collaborate with others across national boundaries to advance the well-being of humans and the planet.{\textellipsis}},
	url = {http://www.aacu.org/diversitydemocracy/vol17no2/reimers.cfm},
	author = {Reimers, Fernando M.}
}
@article {187601,
	title = {Are Democratic Sanctions Really Counterproductive?},
	journal = {Democratization},
	year = {2014},
	abstract = {Previous research has shown that sanctions have a negative impact on the level of democracy in targeted authoritarian countries. This runs counter to substantive comparative literature on democratization which finds that economic stress is connected with regime collapse and democratic liberalization. To solve this puzzle, we focus on the effects of {\textquotedblleft}democratic sanctions{\textquotedblright} (those that explicitly aim to promote democracy) which have become the most common type of sanction issued against authoritarian states. We introduce a new data set of imposed sanctions in the period 1990{\textendash}2010 that clearly separates sanctions according to the explicit goal of the sender. Our cross-sectional time-series analysis demonstrates that although sanctions as a whole do not generally increase the level of democracy, there is in fact a significant correlation between democratic sanctions and increased levels of democracy in targeted authoritarian countries. A fundamental mechanism leading to this outcome is the increased instability of authoritarian rule as democratic sanctions are significantly associated with a higher probability of regime and leadership change.},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2014.888418$\#$.U1khJeZdWyU},
	author = {von Soest, Christian and Wahman, Michael}
}
@article {765661,
	title = {Assessing the quality of elections},
	journal = {Journal of Democracy},
	volume = {24},
	number = {4},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {124-135},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Ferran Martinez i Coma and Richard W. Frank}
}
@article {765671,
	title = {Does the world agree about standards of electoral integrity? Evidence for the diffusion of global norms},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	volume = {32},
	number = {4},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {576-588},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765651,
	title = {The new research agenda studying electoral integrity},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	volume = {32},
	number = {4},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {563-575},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765666,
	title = {Recrutamento politico},
	journal = {Revista de Sociologia e Pol{\'\i}tica},
	volume = {21},
	number = {46},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {11-32},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {764241,
	title = {The new research agenda on electoral integrity},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	volume = {34},
	number = {4},
	year = {2013},
	editor = {Pippa Noris}
}
@article {762516,
	title = {The Choice for Multilateralism: Foreign Aid and American Foreign Policy.},
	journal = {Review of International Organizations},
	volume = {8},
	number = {3},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {313-343},
	author = {H. Milner and D. Tingley}
}
@article {762551,
	title = {Dissecting direct and indirect genetic effects on chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) susceptibility},
	journal = {Human Genetics},
	volume = {132},
	number = {4},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {431-441},
	author = {M. Siedlinski and D. Tingley and P. Lipman and M. Cho and A. Litonjua and D. Sparrow and P. Bakke}
}
@article {762511,
	title = {Experimental Designs for Identifying Causal Mechanisms (with discussions)},
	journal = {ournal of the Royal Statistical Society-Series A},
	volume = {176},
	number = {1},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {5-51},
	author = {K. Imai and D. Tingley and T. Yamamoto}
}
@article {762531,
	title = {How to be a peer reviewer: a guide for recent and soon-to-be Ph.D.{\textquoteright}s},
	journal = {PS: Political Science \& Politics},
	volume = {46},
	number = {1},
	year = {2013},
	author = {E. Miller and J. Pevehouse and D. Tingley and R. Rogowski and R. Wilson}
}
@article {762541,
	title = {Introduction to the Geopolitics of Foreign Aid},
	journal = {Geopolitics of Foreign Aid},
	year = {2013},
	author = {H. Milner and D. Tingley}
}
@article {762521,
	title = {Public Finance and Immigration Preferences: A Lost Connection?},
	journal = {Polity},
	volume = {45},
	number = {1},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {4-33},
	author = {D. Tingley}
}
@article {762546,
	title = {Public Opinion and Foreign Aid: A Review Essay},
	journal = {International Interactions},
	volume = {39},
	number = {3},
	year = {2013},
	pages = { 389-401},
	author = {H. Milner and D. Tingley}
}
@article {762586,
	title = {The structural topic model and applied social science},
	journal = {Neural Information Processing Society},
	year = {2013},
	author = {M. Roberts and B. Stewart and D. Tingley and E. Airoldi}
}
@article {762571,
	title = {Why the Study of International Law Needs Experiments.},
	journal = {Columbia Journal of Transnational Law},
	volume = {52},
	number = {1},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {173-238},
	author = {A. Chilton and D. Tingley}
}
@article {761356,
	title = {Commercial Imperialism? Political Influence and Trade During the Cold War},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	year = {2013},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/commerical_imperalism.pdf},
	author = {Daniel Berger and Easterly, William and Nunn, Nathan and Shanker Satyanath}
}
@article {761366,
	title = {ON THE ORIGINS OF GENDER ROLES: WOMEN AND THE PLOUGH},
	journal = {THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS},
	volume = {128},
	number = {2},
	year = {2013},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/alesina_giuliano_nunn_qje_2013.pdf},
	author = {Alesina, Alberto and Giuliano, Paola and Nunn, Nathan}
}
@article {496826,
	title = {Natural Disasters, Armed Conflict, and Public Health},
	journal = {The New England Journal of Medicine},
	volume = {369},
	number = {19},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {1836-42},
	abstract = {Natural disasters and armed conflict have marked human existence throughout history and have always caused peaks in mortality and morbidity. But in recent times, the scale and scope of these events have increased markedly. Since 1990, natural disasters have affected about 217 million people every year,1 and about 300 million people now live amidst violent insecurity around the world.2 The immediate and longer-term effects of these disruptions on large populations constitute humanitarian crises. In recent decades, public health interventions in the humanitarian response have made gains in the equity and quality of emergency assistance.},
	author = {Leaning, Jennifer}
}
@article {495321,
	title = {Making Sense of Isolationism: Foreign Policy Mood as a Multilevel Phenomenon},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	volume = {75},
	number = {01},
	year = {2013},
	abstract = {Political scientists have long been interested in the American public{\textquoteright}s foreign policy mood, but they have typically separated the microlevel question (who{\textquoteright}s more likely to support isolationism?) from the macrolevel one (when does isolationism{\textquoteright}s popularity increase?), even though public opinion is inherently a multilevel phenomenon, as the answers to these two questions interact. Showing how multilevel models can deal with the effects of time rather than just space, I find that both guns and butter drive foreign policy mood, but in different ways. When economic assessments sour, the public{\textquoteright}s appetite for isolationism increases, but the impact of these individual-level perceptions is constrained by aggregate economic conditions, which are sufficiently salient that they are accessible irrespective of knowledge. The nature of the international security environment, however, predominantly affects foreign policy mood amongst high-knowledge individuals, thereby suggesting that low- and high-knowledge individuals{\textquoteright} foreign policy views are shaped by different situational cues.},
	url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online\&aid=8820769\&fileId=S0022381612000989},
	author = {Kertzer, Joshua D.}
}
@article {334686,
	title = {The Ethnicity{\textendash}Policy Preference Link in Sub-Saharan Africa},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	volume = {46},
	number = {5},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {574-602},
	abstract = {Scholars have begun to investigate the mechanisms that link ethnic diversity to low levels of public goods provision but have paid only minimal attention to the role of preferences for public policies. Some argue that ethnic groups hold culturally distinctive preferences for goods and policies, and that such differences impede effective policy making, but these studies provide little evidence to support this claim. Others argue that preferences do not vary systematically across ethnic groups, but again the evidence is limited. In this article, we engage in a systematic exploration of the link between ethnic identity and preferences for public policies through a series of individual and aggregated analyses of Afrobarometer survey data from 18 sub-Saharan African countries. We find that in most countries, preferences do vary based on ethnic group membership. This variation is not merely an expression of individual-level socioeconomic differences or of group-level cultural differences. Instead, we suggest that citizens use ethnicity as a group heuristic for evaluating public policies in a few predictable ways: We find more persistent disagreement about public policies between politically relevant ethnic groups and where group disparities in wealth are high.},
	url = {http://cps.sagepub.com/content/46/5/574.full.pdf+html},
	author = {Gwyneth H. McClendon}
}
@article {223901,
	title = {Caste and Entrepreneurship in India},
	journal = {Economic and Political Weekly},
	year = {2013},
	abstract = {It is now widely accepted that the lower castes have
risen in Indian politics. Has there been a corresponding
change in the economy? Using comprehensive data
on enterprise ownership from the Economic Census
of 1990, 1998 and 2005, this paper shows there are
substantial caste differences in entrepreneurship across
India. The scheduled castes and scheduled tribes are
significantly under-represented in the ownership of
enterprises and the share of the workforce employed by
them. These differences are widespread across all states,
have decreased very modestly between 1990 and 2005,
and cannot be attributed to broad differences in access
to physical or human capital.},
	author = {Tarun Khanna and Iyer, Lakshmi and Varshney, Ashutosh}
}
@article {223831,
	title = {Industrial Policy and the Creation of New Industries: Evidence from Brazil{\textquoteright}s Bioethanol Industry},
	journal = {Industrial and Corporate Change },
	year = {2013},
	pages = {1-32},
	abstract = {Industrial policy programs are frequently used by governments to stimulate economic activity in particular sectors of the economy. This study explores how an industrial policy program can affect the creation and evolution of an industry and, ultimately, the long-term performance of firms. We examine the history of the Brazilian bioethanol industry, focusing on the industrial policy program implemented by the Brazilian government in the 1970s to develop the industry. We put together a novel data set containing detailed information about the history of bioethanol producers. Our findings show that plants founded during the industrial policy program tend to be, in the long run, more productive than those founded before the program was in place. Based on additional analyses and complementary fieldwork, we infer that the wave of acquisitions that occurred after the end of the industrial policy program had an important effect on the performance of the plants founded when the program was in place. Industrial policy, especially in conjunction with a competitive post-industrial policy business landscape, can succeed in nurturing competitive firms.},
	author = {Tarun Khanna and Santiago Mingo}
}
@article {223921,
	title = {The Physicality of Citizenship: The Built Environment and Insurgent Urbanism},
	journal = {thresholds 41},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {60-71},
	url = {http://issuu.com/thresholds/docs/t41/62},
	author = {Davis, Diane and Prassana Raman}
}
@article {223866,
	title = {Toward Resource Independence{\textemdash}Why State-Owned Entities Become Multinationals: An Empirical Study of India{\textquoteright}s Public R\&amp;D Laboratories},
	journal = {Journal of International Business Studies},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {1-18},
	abstract = {In this paper, we build on the standard resource dependence theory (RDT) and its departure suggested by Vernon to offer a novel explanation for why state-owned entities (SOEs) might seek a global footprint and global cash flows: to achieve resource independence from other state actors. In the context of SOEs, the power use hypothesis of standard RDT can be used to analyze the dependence of SOEs on other state actors, such as government ministries and government agencies that have ownership and control rights in the SOE. Building on Vernon, we argue that the SOE can break free from this power imbalance and establish resource independence from other state actors by becoming a multinational firm and/or by generating global cash flows. We leverage a natural experiment in India and outline both quantitative and qualitative evidence from 42 Indian state-owned laboratories to support this argument.},
	author = {Tarun Khanna and Choudhury, Prithwiraj}
}
@article {212181,
	title = {Getting to Rights: Treaty Ratification, Constitutional Convergence, and Human\&nbsp;Rights Practice},
	journal = {International Law Journal},
	volume = {54},
	number = {1},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {201-234},
	abstract = {This Article examines the adoption of rights in national constitutions in the post-World War II period in light of claims of global convergence. Using a comprehensive database on the contents of the world{\textquoteright}s constitutions, we observe a qualified convergence on the content of rights. Nearly every single right has increased in prevalence since its introduction, but very few are close to universal. We show that international rights documents, starting with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, have shaped the rights menu of national constitutions in powerful ways. These covenants appear to coordinate the behavior of domestic drafters, whether or not the drafters{\textquoteright} countries are legally committed to the agreements (though commitment enhances the effect). Our particular focus is on the all-important International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, whose ratification inclines countries towards rights they, apparently, would not otherwise adopt. This finding confirms the complementary relationship between treaty ratification and domestic constitutional norms, and suggests that one important channel of treaty efficacy may be through domestic constitutions.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons and Zachary Elkins and Tom Ginsburg}
}
@article {120386,
	title = {The Politics of Diaspora Management in the Republic of Korea},
	journal = {The Asan Institute for Policy Studies Issue Brief},
	volume = {81},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {1-12},
	abstract = {The Republic of Korea has an elaborate diaspora management policy since the 1990s. But what accounts for the variation in policies toward Koreans in China, Japan, North America, and the former Soviet Union? In this issue brief I explore various explanations for this variation: ethnic hierarchy, with some of these communities considered as more purely Korean than others; the timing and reasons behind the emigration of each group; the skills that each community has; the degree of organization abroad; and, finally, the nature of interstate relations and balance of power between South Korea and the respective host states. },
	author = {Mylonas, Harris}
}
@article {116751,
	title = {Political and Economic Integration in the EU: The Case of Failed Tax Harmonization},
	journal = {Journal of Common Market Studies},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {1-16},
	abstract = {The European Union (EU) tax mandate remains narrow. That there was only a limited transfer of tax authority to the EU exemplifies the failure of political and fiscal integration. Using a political economy framework, this article analyzes why the heads of state rejected tax harmonization proposals in the intergovernmental conferences. The presented findings of the original data on the Maastricht, Nice and Lisbon negotiations support the main hypothesis derived from the theoretical
framework {\textendash} namely that resistance against tax harmonization came predominantly from low-tax countries. Moreover, the results indicate that after the accession of the central and eastern European countries the prospects of harmonizing tax policy starkly decreased. The analysis shows that tax heterogeneity and the enlargements have negative effects on tax integration. Based on the empirical findings and the theoretical framework, the article concludes by discussing how the creation of the monetary union restructured the politics of tax Europeanization and fiscal integration.},
	url = {www.dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12099},
	author = {Wasserfallen, Fabio}
}
@article {81361,
	title = {Why Social Relations Matter for Politics and Successful Societies},
	journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
	volume = {16},
	number = {23},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {1-23},
	abstract = {Political science can gain from incorporating richer conceptions of social relations into its analyses. In place of atomistic entities endowed with assets but few social relationships, social actors should be seen as relational entities embedded in social and cultural structures that connect them to others in multifaceted ways. Understanding those relationships requires a deeper understanding of how institutional and cultural frameworks interact to condition the terrain for social action. More intensive dialogue with sociology can inform such an understanding. We review the analytical tools cultural sociology now offers those interested in such a perspective and illustrate it in operation in studies of inequalities in population health and the effects of neoliberalism. We close by outlining several issues to which this perspective can usefully be applied, including the problems of understanding social resilience, how societies build collective capacities, and why some institutions remain robust while others deteriorate.},
	url = {www.dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-031710-101143},
	author = {Peter A. Hall and Lamont, Mich{\`e}le}
}
@article {80731,
	title = {Shifting Mandates: The Federal Reserve{\textquoteright}s First Centennial},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	volume = {103},
	number = {3},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {48-54},
	abstract = {The Federal Reserve{\textquoteright}s mandate has evolved considerably over the organization{\textquoteright}s hundred-year history. It was changed from an initial focus in 1913 on financial stability, to fiscal financing in World War II and its aftermath, to a strong anti-inflation focus from the late 1970s, and then back to greater emphasis on financial stability since the Great Contraction. Yet, as the Fed{\textquoteright}s mandate has expanded in recent years, its range of instruments has narrowed, partly based on a misguided belief in the inherent stability of financial markets. We argue for a return to multiple instruments, including a more active role for reserve requirements.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/aer.103.3.48},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S. and Reinhart, Carmen M.}
}
@article {79476,
	title = {On Graduation from Fiscal Procyclicality},
	journal = {Journal of Development Economics},
	volume = {100},
	number = {1},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {32-47},
	abstract = {In the past, industrial countries have tended to pursue countercyclical or, at worst, acyclical fiscal policy. In sharp contrast, emerging and developing countries have followed procyclical fiscal policy, thus exacerbating the underlying business cycle. We show that, over the last decade, about a third of the developing world has been able to escape the procyclicality trap and actually become countercyclical. We then focus on the role played by the quality of institutions, which appears to be a key determinant of a country{\textquoteright}s ability to graduate. We show that, even after controlling for the endogeneity of institutions and other determinants of fiscal procyclicality, there is a causal link running from stronger institutions to less procyclical or more countercyclical fiscal policy.},
	url = {http://ac.els-cdn.com/S0304387812000533/1-s2.0-S0304387812000533-main.pdf?_tid=46e04090-26d4-11e3-9c38-00000aab0f26\&acdnat=1380218071_4d484335769528c70c8659058b87b5f9},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {79461,
	title = {Over-optimistic Official Forecasts and Fiscal Rules in the Eurozone},
	journal = {Review of World Economy},
	volume = {149},
	number = {2},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {247-272},
	abstract = {Eurozone members are supposedly constrained by the fiscal caps of the Stability and Growth Pact. Yet ever since the birth of the euro, members have postponed painful adjustment. Wishful thinking has played an important role in this failure.  We find that governments{\textquoteright} forecasts are biased in the optimistic direction, especially during booms.  Eurozone governments are especially over-optimistic when the budget deficit is over the 3\% cap at the time the forecasts are made.  Those exceeding this cap systematically but falsely forecast a rapid future improvement. The new fiscal compact among the euro countries is supposed to make budget rules more binding by putting them into laws and constitutions at the national level.  But biased forecasts can defeat budget rules. What is the record in Europe with national rules? The bias is less among eurozone countries that have adopted certain rules at the national level, particularly creating an independent fiscal institution that provides independent forecasts.},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10290-013-0150-9},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {77846,
	title = {The International Politics of IFRS Harmonization},
	journal = {Accounting, Economics and Law},
	volume = {3},
	number = {2},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {1-46},
	abstract = {The globalization of accounting standards as seen through the proliferation of IFRS worldwide is one of the most important developments in corporate governance over the last decade. I offer an analysis of some international political dynamics of countries{\textquoteright} IFRS harmonization decisions. The analysis is based on field studies in three jurisdictions: Canada, China, and India. Across these jurisdictions, I first describe unique elements of domestic political economies that are shaping IFRS policies. Then, I inductively isolate two principal dimensions that can be used to characterize the jurisdictions{\textquoteright} IFRS responses: proximity to existing political powers at the IASB; and own potential political power at the IASB. Based on how countries are classified along these dimensions, I offer predictions, ceteris paribus, on countries{\textquoteright} IFRS harmonization strategies. The analysis and framework in this paper can help broaden the understanding of accounting{\textquoteright}s globalization.},
	url = {http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1875682},
	author = {Ramanna, Karthik}
}
@article {77826,
	title = {Media and Polarization: Evidence from the Introduction of Broadcast TV in the United States},
	journal = {Journal of Public Economics},
	volume = {100},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {79-92},
	abstract = {This paper sheds light on the links between media and political polarization by looking at the introduction of broadcast TV in the US. We provide causal evidence that broadcast TV decreased the ideological extremism of US representatives. We then show that exposure to radio was associated with decreased polarization. We interpret this result using a simple framework that identifies two channels linking media environment to politicians{\textquoteright} incentives to polarize. First, the ideology effect: changes in the media environment may affect the distribution of citizens{\textquoteright} ideological views, with politicians moving their positions accordingly. Second, the motivation effect: the media may affect citizens{\textquoteright} political motivation, changing the ideological composition of the electorate and thereby impacting elite polarization while mass polarization is unchanged. The evidence on polarization and turnout is consistent with a prevalence of the ideology effect in the case of TV, as both of them decreased. Increased turnout associated with radio exposure is in turn consistent with a role for the motivation effect.},
	url = {http://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/fcampan/Papers/CampanteHojman_Jan13_vfinal.pdf},
	author = {Campante, Felipe and Hojman, Daniel}
}
@article {73501,
	title = {Female Combatants and the Perpetration of Violence: Wartime Rape in the Sierra Leone Civil War},
	journal = {World Politics},
	volume = {65},
	number = {3},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {383{\textendash}415},
	abstract = {Much of the current scholarship on wartime violence, including studies of the combatants themselves, assumes that women are victims and men are perpetrators. However, there is an increasing awareness that women in armed groups may be active fighters who function as more than just cooks, cleaners, and sexual slaves. In this article, the author focuses on the involvement of female fighters in a form of violence that is commonly thought to be perpetrated only by men: the wartime rape of noncombatants. Using original interviews with ex-combatants and newly available survey data, she finds that in the Sierra Leone civil war, female combatants were participants in the widespread conflict-related violence, including gang rape. A growing body of evidence from other conflicts suggests that Sierra Leone is not an anomaly and that women likely engage in conflict-related violence, including sexual violence, more often than is currently believed. Many standard interpretations of wartime rape are undermined by the participation of female perpetrators. To explain the involvement of women in wartime rape, the author argues that women in armed group units face similar pressure to that faced by their male counterparts to participate in gang rape. The study has broad implications for future avenues of research on wartime violence, as well as for policy.},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0043887113000105},
	author = {Cohen, Dara Kay}
}
@article {73491,
	title = {Explaining Rape during Civil War: Cross-National Evidence (1980{\textendash}2009)},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	volume = {107},
	number = {3},
	year = {2013},
	pages = {461{\textendash}477},
	abstract = {Why do some armed groups commit massive wartime rape, whereas others never do? Using an original dataset, I describe the substantial variation in rape by armed actors during recent civil wars and test a series of competing causal explanations. I find evidence that the recruitment mechanism is associated with the occurrence of wartime rape. Specifically, the findings support an argument about wartime rape as a method of socialization, in which armed groups that recruit by force{\textemdash}through abduction or pressganging{\textemdash}use rape to create unit cohesion. State weakness and insurgent contraband funding are also associated with increased wartime rape by rebel groups. I examine observable implications of the argument in a brief case study of the Sierra Leone civil war. The results challenge common explanations for wartime rape, with important implications for scholars and policy makers.},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055413000221},
	author = {Cohen, Dara Kay}
}
@article {69636,
	title = {The 2012 Legislative Elections in Senegal},
	journal = {Electoral Studies},
	year = {2013},
	month = {Jun 3, 2013},
	publisher = {Electoral Studies},
	abstract = {On July 1, 2012, Senegal held legislative elections to select
all 150 members of the twelfth National Assembly, the lower
chamber{\textemdash}and the only fully elected one{\textemdash}in this West African
country of approximately twelve million people. The
legislative elections followed a hotly contested presidential
election in which Abdoulaye Wade, president over the last
twelve years, sought a controversial third term and lost by a
historic margin. Wade and other leaders of his Senegalese
Democratic Party (PDS) sought a legislative majority that
would force the new president, Macky Sall, into cohabitation.Full PDF},
	url = {http://www.journals.elsevier.com/electoral-studies/},
	author = {Kelly, Catherine}
}
@article {69621,
	title = {From Abortion to Islam: The Changing Function of Law in Europe{\textquoteright}s Cultural Debates},
	journal = {Fordham International Law Journal},
	year = {2013},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 2013},
	publisher = {Fordham International Law Journal},
	abstract = {The Article rethinks law{\textquoteright}s role in present-day European debates over Islam in light of its calming effects on the once fiercely-fought abortion reforms across Western Europe. Using examples from Germany, Italy, France, Belgium, Britain, the Netherlands and Switzerland the article demonstrates that the role of the legal process in each of these culture-based debates diverged along its two social functions. Reflecting growing public anxieties, legal actions concerning Muslims typically focused on generating social and cultural change, foreclosing the likelihood of political compromises. In contrast, at the time of abortion reform legal measures acted as mechanisms of social and cultural order, contributing to the pacification of the fierce public controversies even as moral disagreements over abortion endured. Drawing on this comparison, the article suggests that Europe{\textquoteright}s constitutional review processes present a compromise-building path to deliberate contemporary conflicts over Islam.

The Article proceeds in three parts. Part II and III analyze the legal developments in the context of Islam and abortion across Western Europe, revealing a contrasting dynamics in the roles of the legal process in each of these debates. Part IV assesses the effects of the legal process in each of the debates and rules out alternative explanations for this divergence. It argues that the factor of time or European secularization cannot account for the current intensity-difference in each of these debates. The article concludes by proposing a path to launch the currently absent constitutional conversation over Islamic-based tensions in Western Europe. Modeled on abortion reform, constitutional courts should reach beyond proportional balancing and dictate policy frameworks addressing both the roots of Muslim disadvantages and the anxieties of the European public.},
	url = {http://fordhamilj.org/},
	author = {Liviatan, Ofrit}
}
@article {69496,
	title = {Theses on Urbanization},
	journal = {Public Culture},
	volume = {25},
	number = {1},
	year = {2013},
	month = {Jan 1, 2013},
	pages = {85{\textendash}114},
	publisher = {Public Culture},
	abstract = {The urban has become a keyword of early twenty-first-century economic, political, and cultural discourse. But as its resonance has intensified in social science and in the public sphere, the conceptual and cartographic specificity of the urban has been severely blunted. Is there any future for a distinct field of urban theory in a world in which urbanization has been generalized onto a planetary scale? This article reflects on this state of affairs and outlines a series of theses intended to reinvigorate the theoretical framework of urban studies in relation to emergent forms of urbanization. Several conceptual distinctions - between categories of practice and categories of analysis, nominal essences and constitutive essences, and concentrated and extended urbanization{\textemdash}are proposed to inform possible future mappings of the planetary urban condition.
},
	url = {http://publicculture.dukejournals.org/content/25/1_69/85.full.pdf+html},
	author = {Brenner, Neil}
}
@article {69731,
	title = {Can Japanese Democracy Cope with China{\textquoteright}s Rise?},
	journal = {Wilson Center},
	year = {2013},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 24, 2013},
	publisher = {Wilson Center},
	abstract = {The contemporary standoff over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands threatens to exacerbate Japan-China relations in the long run. Despite their disagreement over the islands{\textquoteright} sovereignty, the two governments had successfully depoliticized the issue for nearly four decades since their diplomatic normalization in 1972. The islands issue became politicized after the collision between a\&nbsp;Chinese trawler and the Japan Coast Guard in 2010, and has become increasingly militarized after the\&nbsp;Japanese government{\textquoteright}s purchase of three of the five islands from their private owner in 2012. China has boosted its civilian and military presence in maritime and airspace around the islands, confronting their Japanese counterparts regularly and raising the risk of an armed conflict which potentially involves the United States. What caused the intense politicization and increasing militarization of the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands dispute? What are the pragmatic steps which the two governments can take to depoliticize, demilitarize, and deescalate the current situation?},
	url = {http://www.wilsoncenter.org/},
	author = {Fujihira, Shinju}
}
@article {69601,
	title = {The Iraq Coalition of the Willing and (Politically) Able: Party Systems, the Press, and Public Influence on Foreign Policy},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	year = {2013},
	note = {},
	month = {Apr 1, 2013},
	publisher = {American Journal of Political Science},
	abstract = {Media outlets in multiparty electoral systems tend to report on a wider range of policy issues than media in two-party systems. They thus make more competing policy frames available to citizens. This suggests that a {\textquotedblleft}free press{\textquotedblright} is insufficient to hold governments accountable. Rather, we should observe more challenges to the governments{\textquoteright} preferred frames and more politically aware citizens in multiparty democracies. Such citizens should thus be better equipped to hold their leaders accountable, relative to their counterparts in two-party democracies. I propose a mechanism through which democratic publics can sometimes constrain their leaders in foreign policy. I test hypotheses derived from my theory with cross-national data on the content of news coverage of Iraq, on public support for the war, and on decisions to contribute troops to the Iraq {\textquotedblleft}Coalition of the Willing.{\textquotedblright} I find that citizens in countries with larger numbers of parties confronted more critical and diverse coverage of Iraq, while those with more widespread access to mass media were more likely to oppose the war and their nations likely to contribute fewer troops to the Coalition.},
	url = {http://www.ajps.org/},
	author = {Baum, Matthew}
}
@article {765701,
	title = {Four horsemen of the apocalypse: Understanding human security},
	journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
	volume = {35},
	number = {1},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {71-96},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald}
}
@article {765686,
	title = {Muslim integration into Western cultures: Between origins and destinations},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	volume = {60},
	number = {2},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {228-251},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald}
}
@article {765676,
	title = {To them that hath{\textquoteright}{\textellipsis}News media and knowledge gaps},
	journal = {Comparative Governance and Politics},
	volume = {6},
	number = {1},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {71-98},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {761386,
	title = {RUGGEDNESS: THE BLESSING OF BAD GEOGRAPHY IN AFRICA},
	journal = {The Review of Economics and Statistics },
	year = {2012},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/ruggedness.pdf},
	author = {Nunn, Nathan and Diego Puga}
}
@article {499341,
	title = {Folk Realism: Testing the Microfoundations of Realism in Ordinary Citizens},
	journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
	volume = {56},
	number = {2},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {245{\textendash}258},
	abstract = {International Relations scholars have long debated whether the American public is allergic to realism, which raises the question of how they would {\textquotedblleft}contract{\textquotedblright} it in the first place. We argue that realism isn{\textquoteright}t just an IR paradigm, but a belief system, whose relationship with other ideological systems in public opinion has rarely been fully examined. Operationalizing this disposition in ordinary citizens as {\textquotedblleft}folk realism,{\textquotedblright} we investigate its relationship with a variety of personality traits, foreign policy orientations, and political knowledge. We then present the results of a laboratory experiment probing psychological microfoundations for realist theory, manipulating the amount of information subjects have about a foreign policy conflict to determine whether uncertainty leads individuals to adopt more realist views, and whether realists and idealists respond to uncertainty and fear differently. We find that many of realism{\textquoteright}s causal mechanisms are conditional on whether subjects already hold realist views, and suggest that emotions like fear may play a larger role in realist theory than many realists have assumed.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00715.x/abstract},
	author = {Kertzer, Joshua D.}
}
@article {334691,
	title = {Ethics of Using Public Officials As Field Experiment Subjects},
	journal = {Newsletter of the APSA Experimental Section},
	volume = {3},
	number = {1},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {13-20},
	abstract = {In recent years, the number of field experiments using public officials as subjects has increased. Some of these experiments are relatively cheap and easy to replicate, and yet, the ethical guidelines for dealing with this particular class of subjects are in some ways both nascent and underdeveloped. If this line of research is to continue in a responsible manner, it is worth considering whether there are particular ethical questions raised by using elite, public servants as subjects and if so, how we might deal with those ethical questions. I am not a moral philosopher, and I do not have hard and fast answers to the issues I raise below. I am sympathetic to these types of experiments, having conducted one myself, but I am also sensitive to issues raised by their critics. I hope the following will encourage further debate.
There are at least two reasons public officials differ from citizens as experimental subjects. First, when we use public officials as subjects, the behavior we are trying to observe and affect is usually part of their routine, public duties. This may mean that the societal benefits of the knowledge gleaned from these experiments are particularly great. But it also introduces questions about whose resources are being used while subjects take time to participate, as well as questions about debriefing and appropriate compensation. Second, public officials are a limited pool, and they often control public purse strings, including funding for universities and research. This difference introduces questions about researchers{\textquoteright} ethical responsibilities to other researchers when conducting experiments with public officials. Let me consider each of these differences in turn.},
	url = {https://sites.google.com/site/gwynethmcclendon/},
	author = {Gwyneth H. McClendon}
}
@article {223906,
	title = {A {\textquoteright}Core Periphery{\textquoteright} Framework to Navigate Emerging Market Governments{\textemdash}Qualitative Evidence from a Biotechnology Multinational},
	journal = {Global Strategy Journal},
	volume = {2},
	number = {1},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {71-87},
	abstract = {We build on the emerging literature of influence-based models to study how multinational firms can navigate host governments. Our {\textquoteleft}core-periphery{\textquoteright} framework posits that the actions that an MNC takes with actors in what we call the {\textquoteleft}periphery{\textquoteright}{\textemdash}comprised of state, quasi-state, and civil society actors{\textemdash}can lead to positive or negative influence with interconnected state actors in a {\textquoteleft}core.{\textquoteright} There are two mechanisms by which this can happen: engaging the periphery may either change the information set of the core or help align incentives of multiple core actors. Engaging the periphery might be particularly relevant in settings where the institutional framework is still emerging. We build a case study of a multinational firm in the biotechnology sector to illustrate how the core-periphery framework works in multiple emerging markets across institutional differences. The analysis is based on 32 interviews conducted with the CEO and other executives of Genzyme at the corporate headquarters in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and in subsidiaries in Brazil, China, Costa Rica, France, India, and the United States.},
	author = {Tarun Khanna}
}
@article {221216,
	title = {The Left and {\textquoteleft}Life{\textquoteright}: The Politics of Abortion in El Salvador},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	volume = {8},
	number = {2},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {248-254},
	author = {Viterna, Jocelyn}
}
@article {221211,
	title = {Resolving the Democracy Paradox: Democratization and Women{\textquoteright}s Legislative Representation in Developing Nations, 1975-2009},
	journal = {American Sociological Review},
	volume = {77},
	number = {3},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {380-408},
	abstract = {Increasing levels of democratic freedoms should, in theory, improve women{\textquoteright}s access to political positions. Yet studies demonstrate that democracy does little to improve women{\textquoteright}s legislative representation. To resolve this paradox, we investigate how variations in the democratization process{\textemdash}including pre-transition legacies, historical experiences with elections, the global context of transition, and post-transition democratic freedoms and quotas{\textemdash}affect women{\textquoteright}s representation in developing nations. We find that democratization{\textquoteright}s effect is curvilinear. Women in non-democratic regimes often have high levels of legislative representation but little real political power. When democratization occurs, women{\textquoteright}s representation initially drops, but with increasing democratic freedoms and additional elections, it increases again. The historical context of transition further moderates these effects. Prior to 1995, women{\textquoteright}s representation increased most rapidly in countries transitioning from civil strife{\textemdash}but only when accompanied by gender quotas. After 1995 and the Beijing Conference on Women, the effectiveness of quotas becomes more universal, with the exception of post- communist countries. In these nations, quotas continue to do little to improve women{\textquoteright}s representation. Our results, based on pooled time series analysis from 1975 to 2009, demonstrate that it is not democracy{\textemdash}as measured by a nation{\textquoteright}s level of democratic freedoms at a particular moment in time{\textemdash}but rather the democratization process that matters for women{\textquoteright}s legislative representation.},
	author = {Fallon, Kathleen M. and Liam Swiss and Viterna, Jocelyn}
}
@article {212186,
	title = {Reflections on Mobilizing for Human Rights},
	journal = {Journal of International Law and Politics},
	volume = {44},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {729-750},
	abstract = {NYU Law{\textquoteright}s symposium "From Rights to Reality: Mobilizing for Human Rights and Its Intersection with International Law" has been a valuable opportunity to reflect on the role that international law has played in the furtherance of human rights around the world over the past six decades. It has also been a stimulating forum to assess the state of our knowledge, experience, and research relating to the development of human rights law and its application in various settings around the world. The scholars and practitioners participating in this symposium have each made remarkable contributions to the development, interpretation, and application of human rights law internationally, and I am very grateful that they have taken the time to engage the arguments and evidence in Mobilizing for Human Rights. The editors of the Journal of International Law and Politics are to be congratulated on a stimulating symposium and a valuable volume.
In this concluding article, I will describe what Mobilizing for Human Rights set out to do, what I think it did well, and what it did not, in the end, accomplish. There is much to mention on both scores. While the book was one of the first comprehensive efforts to theorize and test empirically the effects of international legal agreements on a broad range of rights indicators, the research necessarily fails to speak to some issues, raises additional questions, and opens up new avenues for empirical research. I will also engage the observations of my colleagues in the symposium, whose supportive as well as skeptical views I very much appreciate. I hope to make clearer how the research potentially connects with strategies for rights improvements. I conclude on a very humble note: the experience represented by the symposium participants far outstrips the scholarly findings of the book, but I am hopeful that discussion of the kind we have had leads both to better scholarship and broadly informed practice.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {89001,
	title = {Dueling Incentives: Sexual Violence in Liberia and the Politics of Human Rights Advocacy},
	journal = {Journal of Peace Research},
	volume = {49},
	number = {3},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {445-458},
	abstract = {Transnational advocacy organizations are influential actors in the international politics of human rights. While political scientists have described several methods these groups use{\textemdash}particularly a set of strategies termed {\textquoteleft}information politics{\textquoteright}{\textemdash}scholars have yet to consider the effects of these tactics beyond their immediate impact on public awareness, policy agendas or the behavior of state actors. This article investigates the information politics surrounding sexual violence during Liberia{\textquoteright}s civil war. We show that two frequently-cited {\textquoteleft}facts{\textquoteright} about rape in Liberia are inaccurate, and consider how this conventional wisdom gained acceptance. Drawing on the Liberian case and findings from sociology and economics, we develop a theoretical framework that treats inaccurate claims as an effect of {\textquoteleft}dueling incentives{\textquoteright}{\textemdash}the conflict between advocacy organizations{\textquoteright} needs for short-term drama and long-term credibility. From this theoretical framework, we generate hypotheses regarding the effects of information politics on (1) short-term changes in funding for human rights advocacy organizations, (2) short-term changes in human rights outcomes, (3) the institutional health of humanitarian and human rights organizations, and (4) long-run outcomes for the ostensible beneficiaries of such organizations. We conclude by outlining a research agenda in this area, emphasizing the importance of empirical research on information politics in the human rights realm, and particularly its effects on the lives of aid recipients. 
DOI: 10.1177/0022343312436769 },
	url = {http://jpr.sagepub.com/content/49/3/445.short},
	author = {Cohen, Dara Kay and Green, Amelia Hoover}
}
@article {81371,
	title = {Toward a Comparative Sociology of Valuation and Evaluation},
	journal = {Annual Review of Sociology},
	volume = {38},
	number = {21},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {201-221},
	abstract = {This review discusses North American and European research from the sociology of valuation and evaluation (SVE), a research topic that has attracted considerable attention in recent years. The goal is to bring various bodies of work into conversation with one another in order to stimulate more cumulative theory building. This is accomplished by focusing on (a) subprocesses such as categorization and legitimation, (b) the conditions that sustain heterarchies, and (c) valuation and evaluative practices. The article reviews these literatures and provides directions for a future research agenda. },
	url = {www.dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-120022},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le}
}
@article {79486,
	title = {Politically Feasible Emission Target Formulas to Attain 460 ppm CO2 Concentrations},
	journal = {Review of Environmental Economics and Policy},
	volume = {6},
	number = {1},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {86-109},
	abstract = {A new climate change treaty must address three current gaps: the absence of emissions targets extending far into the future; the absence of participation by the United States, China, and other developing countries; and the absence of reasons to expect compliance. Moreover, to be politically acceptable, a post-Kyoto treaty must recognize certain constraints regarding country-by-country economic costs. This article presents a framework for assigning quantitative emissions allocations across countries, one budget period at a time, through a two-stage plan: (a) China and other developing countries accept targets at business-as-usual (BAU) levels in the coming budget period, and, during the same period, the United States agrees to cuts below BAU; (b) all countries are asked to make further cuts in the future in accordance with a formula that includes a Progressive Reductions Factor, a Latecomer Catch-up Factor, and a Gradual Equalization Factor. An earlier proposal (Frankel 2009) for specific parameter values in the formulas achieved the environmental goal that carbon dioxide (CO2) concentrations plateau at 500 ppm by 2100. It met our political constraints by keeping every country{\textquoteright}s economic cost below thresholds of Y = 1 percent of income in Present Discounted Value, and X = 5 percent of income in the worst period. The framework proposed in this article attains a stricter concentration goal of 460 ppm CO2 but only by loosening the political constraints.},
	url = {dx.doi.org/10.1093/reep/rer022},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {79481,
	title = {Are Leading Indicators Useful for Assessing Country Vulnerability? Evidence from the 2008-09 Global Financial Crisis},
	journal = {Journal of International Economics},
	volume = {87},
	number = {2},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {246-231},
	abstract = {We investigate whether leading indicators can help explain the cross-country incidence of the 2008{\textendash}09 financial crisis. Rather than looking for indicators with specific relevance to the recent crisis, the selection of variables is driven by an extensive review of more than eighty papers from the previous literature on early warning indicators. Our motivation is to address suspicions that indicators found to be useful predictors in one round of crises are typically not useful to predict the next round. The review suggests that central bank reserves and past movements in the real exchange rate were the two leading indicators that had proven the most useful in explaining crisis incidence across different countries and episodes in the past. For the 2008{\textendash}09 crisis, we use six different variables to measure crisis incidence: drops in GDP and industrial production, currency depreciation, stock market performance, reserve losses, and participation in an IMF program. We find that the level of reserves in 2007 appears as a consistent and statistically significant leading indicator of who got hit by the 2008{\textendash}09 crisis, in line with the conclusions of the pre-2008 literature. In addition to reserves, recent real appreciation is a statistically significant predictor of devaluation and of a measure of exchange market pressure during the current crisis. We define the period of the global financial shock as running from late 2008 to early 2009, which probably explains why we find stronger results than earlier papers such as Obstfeld et al. (2009, 2010) and Rose and Spiegel (2009a,b, 2010, 2011) which use annual data.},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0022199611001735$\#$},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {79471,
	title = {Slow Passthrough Around the World: A New Import for Developing Countries?},
	journal = {Open Economies Review},
	volume = {23},
	number = {2},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {213-251},
	abstract = {Developing countries traditionally experience pass-through of exchange rate changes that is greater and more rapid than high-income countries experience. This is true equally of the determination of prices of imported goods, prices of local competitors{\textquoteright} products, and the general CPI. But developing countries in the 1990s experienced a rapid downward trend in the degree of pass-through and speed of adjustment, more so than did high-income countries. As a consequence, slow and incomplete pass-through is no longer exclusively a luxury of industrial countries. Using a new data set - prices of eight narrowly defined brand commodities, observed in 76 countries - we find empirical support for some of the factors that have been hypothesized in the literature, but not for others. Significant determinants of the pass-through coefficient include per capita incomes, bilateral distance, tariffs, country size, wages, long-term inflation, and long-term exchange rate variability. Some of these factors changed during the 1990s. Part (and only part) of the downward trend in pass-through to imported goods prices, and in turn to competitors{\textquoteright} prices and the CPI, can be explained by changes in the monetary environment - including a fall in long-term inflation. Real wages work to reduce pass-through to competitors{\textquoteright} prices and the CPI, confirming the hypothesized role of distribution and retail costs in pricing to market. Rising distribution costs, due perhaps to the Balassa-Samuelson-Baumol effect, could contribute to the decline in the pass-through coefficient in some developing countries.},
	url = {http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007\%2Fs11079-011-9210-8},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {79466,
	title = {Internationalization of the RMB and Historical Precedents},
	journal = {Journal of Economic Integration},
	volume = {27},
	number = {3},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {329-365},
	abstract = {The possibility that the renminbi may soon join the ranks of international currencies has generated much excitement. This paper looks to history for help in evaluating the factors determining its prospects. The three best precedents in the twentieth century were the rise of the dollar from 1913 to 1945, the rise of the Deutsche mark from 1973 to 1990, and the rise of the yen from 1984 to 1991. The fundamental determinants of international currency status are economic size, confidence in the currency, and depth of financial markets. The new view is that, once these three factors are in place, internationalization of the currency can proceed quite rapidly. Thus some observers have recently forecast that the RMB may even challenge the dollar within a decade. But they underestimate the importance of the third criterion, the depth of financial markets. In principle, the Chinese government could decide to create that depth, which would require accepting an open capital account, diminished control over the domestic allocation of credit, and a flexible exchange rate. But although the Chinese government has been actively promoting offshore use of the currency since 2010, it has not done very much to meet these requirements. Indeed, to promote internationalization as national policy would depart from the historical precedents. In all three twentieth-century cases of internationalization, popular interest in the supposed prestige of having the country{\textquoteright}s currency appear in the international listings was scant, and businessmen feared that the currency would strengthen and damage their export competitiveness. Probably China, likewise, is not yet fully ready to open its domestic financial markets and let the currency appreciate, so the renminbi will not be challenging the dollar for a long time.
We begin, however, by asking: What is international currency status, and why does it matter?},
	url = {http://www.hks.harvard.edu/fs/jfrankel/RMBintnztnJEI2012pg329~365.pdf},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {77836,
	title = {Why was the Arab World Poised for  Revolution? Schooling, Economic  Opportunities, and the Arab Spring},
	journal = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
	volume = {26},
	number = {2},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {167-188},
	abstract = {In December 2010, the self-immolation of a Tunisian fruit vendor sparked what has come to be termed the {\textquotedblleft}Arab Spring.{\textquotedblright} What first appeared as an isolated act of protest against local authorities quickly gained broader significance, as it was followed by a series of demonstrations that has shaken the grip of autocratic regimes across the Arab world. A year later, three longstanding dictators - Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, and Muammar el-Qaddafi of Libya - have been ousted, after varying degrees of violence. Syria, Yemen, and Bahrain have all witnessed extensive turmoil, raising serious questions about the ahrain have all witnessed extensive turmoil, raising serious questions about the
legitimacy and survival of their rulers. Elsewhere, the political leaders of Morocco, Algeria, and Jordan have also been pressured into enacting reforms to try to assuage public demands.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/jep.26.2.167},
	author = {Campante, Felipe and Chor, David}
}
@article {77831,
	title = {Schooling, Political Participation, and the Economy},
	journal = {The Review of Economics and Statistics},
	volume = {94},
	number = {4},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {841-859},
	abstract = {We investigate how the link between individual schooling and political participation is affected by country characteristics. Using individual survey data, we find that political participation is more responsive to schooling in land-abundant countries and less responsive in human capital - abundant countries, even while controlling for country political institutions and cultural attitudes. We find related evidence that political participation is less responsive to schooling in countries with a higher skill premium, as well as within countries for individuals in skilled occupations. The evidence motivates a  theoretical explanation in which patterns of political participation are influenced by the opportunity cost of engaging in political rather than production activities.},
	url = {http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1162/REST_a_00206},
	author = {Campante, Felipe and Chor, David}
}
@article {76601,
	title = {Significance of the 686 Program for China in Global Mental Health},
	journal = {Shanghai Archives of Psychiatry},
	volume = {24},
	number = {3},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {175-177},
	abstract = {Quietly, with little apparent notice from even the strongest advocates for global mental health, China is undertaking the world{\textquoteright}s largest - and arguably most 
important - mental health services demonstration project, a project focused on providing comprehensive care for persons with severe mental illnesses. As 
Professor Ma indicates in her short report, the {\textquoteleft}686 Project{\textquoteright} was launched as part of China{\textquoteright}s commitment to rebuild its public health infrastructure following the 
SARS epidemic, and has now moved beyond the initial pilot phase into a process of scaling up community mental health services throughout the country. China 
is currently moving toward passage of its first national mental health law, so the project has profound implications for mental health policy in the country. It 
will also provide useful models for the development of mental health policies in other countries with limited mental health personnel.},
	url = {http://www.saponline.org/en/ProfessionalArticle/index/?pubdate=2012\&vol=24\&isn=3},
	author = {Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio and Good, Byron J.}
}
@article {69461,
	title = {Do Primaries Improve Electoral Performance? Clientelism and Intra-Party Conflict in Ghana},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	year = {2012},
	note = {A previous version of this publication can be found in our WCFIA Working Paper collection:~http://files.wcfia.harvard.edu/node/7203},
	month = {Nov 26, 2012},
	publisher = {American Journal of Political Science},
	abstract = {We consider the effect of legislative primaries on the electoral performance of political parties in a new democracy. While existing literature suggests that primaries may either hurt a party by selecting extremist candidates or improve performance by selecting high valence candidates or improving a party{\textquoteright}s image, these mechanisms may not apply where clientelism is prevalent. A theory of primaries built on a logic of clientelism with intra-party conflict instead suggests different effects of legislative primaries for ruling and opposition parties, as well as spillover effects for presidential elections. Using matching with an original dataset on Ghana, we find evidence of a primary bonus for the opposition party and a primary penalty for the ruling party in the legislative election, while legislative primaries improve performance in the presidential election in some constituencies for both parties.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1111/(ISSN)1540-5907},
	author = {Nathan, Noah and Ichino, Nahomi}
}
@article {69406,
	title = {Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse: Understanding Human Security},
	journal = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Scandinavian Political Studies},
	abstract = {Since the end of the Cold War, security studies have broadened to take into account a wide range of non-military threats ranging from poverty to environmental concerns rather than just national defense. Security scholars, backed by international organizations and a growing number of national governments, have developed the concept of Human Security, focusing on the welfare of ordinary people against a broad range of threats. This has aroused vigorous debate. Part I of this paper proposes an analytical model of Human Security. Part II argues that it is important to measure how ordinary people perceive risks, moving beyond state-centric notions of Human Security. We examine new evidence, drawing upon survey items specially designed to monitor perceptions of Human Security, included for the first time in the 6th wave of the World Values Survey (WVS), with fieldwork conducted in 2010{\textendash}2012. Part III demonstrates that people distinguish three dimensions: national, community, and personal security and then explores some structural determinants driving these perceptions. Part IV discusses why perceptions of Human Security matter, in particular for explaining cultural values and value change around the world. The conclusion argues that the shift from a narrow focus on military security toward the broader concept of Human Security is a natural response to the changing challenges facing developed societies, in which the cost-benefit ratio concerning war has become negative and cultural changes have made war less acceptable. In this setting, valid measures of perceptions of Human Security have become essential, both to understand the determinants of Human Security among ordinary people, and to analyze their consequences.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1111/\%28ISSN\%291467-9477/issues},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {69421,
	title = {A Pr{\'e}cis of On Global Justice, With Emphasis on Implications for International Institutions},
	journal = {Boston College Law Review},
	year = {2012},
	month = {Oct 9, 2012},
	publisher = {Boston College Law Review},
	abstract = {The two traditional ways of thinking about justice at the global level either limit the applicability of justice to states or else extend it to all human beings. The view I defend rejects both these approaches and instead recognizes different considerations or conditions based on which individuals are in the scope of different principles of justice. Finding a philosophically convincing alternative to those approaches strikes me as the most demanding and important challenge contemporary political philosophy faces (one that in turn reflects the significance of the political issues that are at stake). My own view, and thus my attempt at meeting this challenge, acknowledges the existence of multiple grounds of justice. This book seeks to present a foundational theory that makes it plausible that there could be multiple grounds of justice and to defend a specific view of the grounds that I call pluralist internationalism. Pluralist Internationalism grants particular normative relevance to the state but qualifies this relevance by embedding the state into other grounds that are associated with their own principles of justice and that thus impose additional obligations on those who share membership in a state. The grounds that I discuss are shared membership in a state; common humanity; shared membership in the global order; shared involvement with the global trading system; and humanity{\textquoteright}s collective ownership of the earth. (It is probably in the conceptualization of common ownership as a ground of justice that my view seems strangest.) Within this theory one must explore what obligations of justice pertain to states and other institutions. International institutions must be understood as agents of justice (rather than as entities that merely advance particular state interests). Moreover, it is international organizations or other entities of global administrative law that most plausibly create the context in which states give account to noncitizens for their contributions to justice.},
	url = {http://www.bc.edu/schools/law/lawreviews/bclawreview.html},
	author = {Risse, Mathias}
}
@article {69411,
	title = {The Twenty-First Century Will Not Be a Post-American World},
	journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2012},
	publisher = {International Studies Quarterly},
	abstract = {One of the refreshing aspects of Christopher Layne{\textquoteright}s work over the years has been his willingness to challenge conventional wisdom. But now, he is in the awkward position of being part of a new conventional wisdom. Recent polls show that in 15 of 22 countries surveyed, most people say that China either will replace or has replaced America as the world{\textquoteright}s leading superpower. Even Americans themselves are equally divided about whether China will displace the United States.},
	url = {http://www.indiana.edu/~iuisq/},
	author = {Nye, Joseph S., Jr.}
}
@article {69401,
	title = {Muslim Integration into Western Cultures: Between Origins and Destinations},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jun 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Political Studies},
	abstract = {To what extent do migrants carry their culture with them, and to what extent do they acquire the culture of their new home? The answer not only has important political implications; it also helps us understand the extent to which basic cultural values are enduring or malleable; and whether cultural values are traits of individuals or are attributes of a given society. Part I considers theories about the impact of growing social diversity in Western nations. We classify two categories of society: ORIGINS (defined as Islamic Countries of Origin for Muslim migrants, including twenty nations with plurality Muslim populations) and DESTINATIONS (defined as Western Countries of Destination for Muslim migrants, including twenty-two OECD member states with Protestant or Roman Catholic majority populations). Using this framework, we demonstrate that on average, the basic social values of Muslim migrants fall roughly mid-way between those prevailing in their country of origin and their country of destination. We conclude that Muslim migrants do not move to Western countries with rigidly fixed attitudes; instead, they gradually absorb much of the host culture, as assimilation theories suggest.},
	url = {http://www.politicalstudies.org/},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald}
}
@article {69281,
	title = {Public Debt Overhangs: Advanced-Economy Episodes Since 1800},
	journal = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 11, 2012},
	publisher = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
	abstract = {We identify the major public debt overhang episodes in the advanced economies since the early 1800s, characterized by public debt to GDP levels exceeding 90 percent for at least five years. Consistent with Reinhart and Rogoff (2010) and most of the more recent research, we find that public debt overhang episodes are associated with lower growth than during other periods. The duration of the average debt overhang episode is perhaps its most striking feature. Among the 26 episodes we identify, 20 lasted more than a decade. The long duration belies the view that the correlation is caused mainly by debt buildups during business cycle recessions. The long duration also implies that the cumulative shortfall in output from debt overhang is potentially massive. These growth-reducing effects of high public debt are apparently not transmitted exclusively through high real interest rates, as in eleven of the episodes, interest rates are not materially higher.},
	url = {www.aeaweb.org/jep/},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S.}
}
@article {69301,
	title = {The State of Democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa},
	journal = {International Area Studies Review},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Aug 1, 2012},
	publisher = {International Area Studies Review},
	abstract = {Africa experienced a wave of democratization over the past 20 years and this increase in democracy, we find, positively and significantly affects income per capita. Our dynamic panel data results suggest that countries only slowly converge to their long-run income values as predicted by current democracy levels, however: African countries may therefore be currently too democratic relative to their income levels. In keeping with this possibility, a significant number of countries experience political {\textquoteleft}back sliding{\textquoteright}: elections are won by the use of illicit tactics, term limits on political leaders have been overturned and there have been unconstitutional seizures of power.},
	url = {http://www.sagepub.com/journals/Journal202111},
	author = {Bates, Robert H.}
}
@article {69191,
	title = {Deterring or Displacing Electoral Irregularities? Spillover Effects of Observers in a Randomized Field Experiment in Ghana},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Journal of Politics},
	abstract = {This article studies the effect of domestic observers deployed to reduce irregularities in voter registration in a new democracy, and in particular, the response of political parties{\textquoteright} agents to these observers. Because political parties operate over large areas and party agents may relocate away from observed registration centers, observers may displace rather than deter irregularities. We design and implement a large-scale two-level randomized field experiment in Ghana in 2008 taking into account these spillovers and find evidence for substantial irregularities: the registration increase is smaller in constituencies with observers; within these constituencies with observers, the increase is about one-sixth smaller on average in electoral areas with observers than in those without; but some of the deterred registrations appear to be displaced to nearby electoral areas. The finding of positive spillovers has implications for the measurement of electoral irregularities or analysis of data collected by observers.},
	url = {http://www.journalofpolitics.org/},
	author = {Ichino, Nahomi}
}
@article {69201,
	title = {The~Illusion~of~Democratic~Credibility},
	journal = {International Organization},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jun 1, 2012},
	publisher = {International Organization},
	abstract = {Do democracies make more effective coercive threats? An influential
literature in international relations argues that democratic institutions allow leaders
to credibly signal their resolve in crises, thereby making their threats more likely to
work than threats by nondemocracies. This article revisits the quantitative evidence
for this proposition, which we call the {\textquotedblleft}democratic credibility hypothesis,{\textquotedblright} and finds
that it is surprisingly weak. Close examination of the data sets most commonly used
to test this hypothesis reveals that they contain few successful democratic threats, or
indeed threats of any kind. Moreover, these data sets{\textquoteright} outcome variables do not properly measure the effectiveness of threats, and therefore yield misleading results. The
article then reassesses the democratic credibility hypothesis using the Militarized Compellent Threats data set, a new data set designed specifically to test hypotheses about
the effectiveness of coercive threats. The analysis indicates that threats from democracies are no more successful than threats from other states.},
	url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=INO},
	author = {Sechser, Todd S. and Downes, Alexander B.}
}
@article {69006,
	title = {Dead Certain: Confidence and Conservatism Predict Aggression in Simulated International Crisis Decision-Making},
	journal = {Human Nature},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 24, 2012},
	publisher = {Human Nature},
	abstract = {Evolutionary psychologists have suggested that confidence and conservatism promoted aggression in our ancestral past, and that this may have been an adaptive strategy given the prevailing costs and benefits of conflict. However, in modern environments, where the costs and benefits of conflict can be very different owing to the involvement of mass armies, sophisticated technology, and remote leadership, evolved tendencies toward high levels of confidence and conservatism may continue to be a contributory cause of aggression despite leading to greater costs and fewer benefits. The purpose of this paper is to test whether confidence and conservatism are indeed associated with greater levels of aggression{\textemdash}in an explicitly political domain. We present the results of an experiment examining people{\textquoteright}s levels of aggression in response to hypothetical international crises (a hostage crisis, a counter-insurgency campaign, and a coup). Levels of aggression (which range from concession to negotiation to military attack) were significantly predicted by subjects{\textquoteright} (1) confidence that their chosen policy would succeed, (2) score on a liberal-conservative scale, (3) political party affiliation, and (4) preference for the use of military force in real-world US policy toward Iraq and Iran. We discuss the possible adaptive and maladaptive implications of confidence.},
	url = {http://www.springerlink.com/content/112435/?MUD=MP},
	author = {Tingley, Dustin and McDermott, Rose and Johnson, Dominic}
}
@article {68851,
	title = {A Reexamination of Tunneling and Business Groups: New Data and New Methods},
	journal = {The Review of Financial Studies},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 1, 2012},
	publisher = {The Review of Financial Studies},
	abstract = {One of the most rigorous methodologies in the corporate governance literature uses firms{\textquoteright} reactions to industry shocks to characterize the quality of governance. This methodology can produce the wrong answer unless one considers the ways firms compete. Because macro-level shocks reverberate differently at the firm level depending on whether a firm has a cost structure that requires significant adjustment, the quality of governance can only be elucidated accurately analyzing a firm{\textquoteright}s business strategy and their corporate governance. These differences can help one determine whether the fruits of a positive macro-level shock have been expropriated by insiders. Using the example of Indian firms, we show that an influential finding is reversed when these differences are considered. We further argue that the conventional wisdom about tunneling and business groups will need to be reformulated in light of the data, methodology, and findings presented here.},
	url = {http://rfs.oxfordjournals.org/content/current},
	author = {Siegel, Jordan I. and Choudhury, Prithwiraj}
}
@article {68701,
	title = {Early Primary Literacy Instruction in Kenya},
	journal = {Comparative Education Review},
	year = {2012},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Comparative Education Review},
	abstract = {We report on a study that used observations, conversations, and formal interviews to explore literacy instruction in 24 lower-primary classrooms in coastal Kenya. Specifically, we report the ways literacy instruction is delivered and how that delivery aligns with practices understood to promote reading acquisition. We find (1) prioritization of developing oral language skills over teaching the relationships between sounds and symbols, (2) enablers to literacy instruction that are the result of teachers{\textquoteright} efforts, and (3) constraints to successful literacy instruction as perceived by the teachers. We identify challenges and opportunities to improve literacy instruction in English and Swahili.},
	url = {http://www.cies.us/aboutus.htm},
	author = {Jukes, Matthew}
}
@article {69371,
	title = {Can Leading Indicators Assess Country Vulnerability? Evidence from the 2008{\textendash}2009 Global Financial Crisis},
	journal = {Journal of International Economics},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Journal of International Economics},
	abstract = {We investigate whether leading indicators can help explain the cross-country incidence of the 2008{\textendash}2009 financial crisis. Rather than looking for indicators with specific relevance to the recent crisis, the selection of variables is driven by an extensive review of more than eighty papers from the previous literature on early warning indicators. Our motivation is to address suspicions that indicators found to be useful predictors in one round of crises are typically not useful to predict the next round. The review suggests that central bank reserves and past movements in the real exchange rate were the two leading indicators that had proven the most useful in explaining crisis incidence across different countries and episodes in the past. For the 2008{\textendash}2009 crisis, we use six different variables to measure crisis incidence: drops in GDP and industrial production, currency depreciation, stock market performance, reserve losses, and participation in an IMF program. We find that the level of reserves in 2007 appears as a consistent and statistically significant leading indicator of who got hit by the 2008{\textendash}2009 crisis, in line with the conclusions of the pre-2008 literature. In addition to reserves, recent real appreciation is a statistically significant predictor of devaluation and of a measure of exchange market pressure during the current crisis. We define the period of the global financial shock as running from late 2008 to early 2009, which probably explains why we find stronger results than earlier papers such as Obstfeld et al. (2009, 2010) and Rose and Spiegel (2009a,b, 2010, 2011) which use annual data.},
	url = {http://www.journals.elsevier.com/journal-of-international-economics/},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey and Saravelos, George}
}
@article {69116,
	title = {Deterring or Displacing Electoral Irregularities? Spillover Effects of Observers in a Randomized Field Experiment in Ghana},
	journal = {The Journal of Politics},
	year = {2012},
	month = {Jan 1, 2012},
	publisher = {The Journal of Politics},
	abstract = {This article studies the effect of domestic observers deployed to reduce irregularities in voter registration in a new democracy, and in particular, the response of political parties{\textquoteright} agents to these observers. Because political parties operate over large areas and party agents may relocate away from observed registration centers, observers may displace rather than deter irregularities. We design and implement a large-scale two-level randomized field experiment in Ghana in 2008 taking into account these spillovers and find evidence for substantial irregularities: the registration increase is smaller in constituencies with observers; within these constituencies with observers, the increase is about one-sixth smaller on average in electoral areas with observers than in those without; but some of the deterred registrations appear to be displaced to nearby electoral areas. The finding of positive spillovers has implications for the measurement of electoral irregularities or analysis of data collected by observers.},
	url = {http://www.journalofpolitics.org/},
	author = {Ichino, Nahomi}
}
@article {69391,
	title = {The Enduring Impact of the American Dust Bowl: Short- and Long-Run Adjustments to Environmental Catastrophe},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	year = {2012},
	month = {Jun 1, 2012},
	publisher = {American Economic Review},
	abstract = {The 1930s American Dust Bowl was an environmental catastrophe that greatly eroded sections of the Plains. The Dust Bowl is estimated to have immediately, substantially, and persistently reduced agricultural land values and revenues in more-eroded counties relative to less-eroded counties. During the Depression and through at least the 1950s, there was limited relative adjustment of farmland away from activities that became relatively less productive in more-eroded areas. Agricultural adjustments recovered less than 25 percent of the initial difference in agricultural costs for more-eroded counties. The economy adjusted predominantly through large relative population declines in more-eroded counties, both during the 1930s and through the 1950s.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/},
	author = {Hornbeck, Richard}
}
@article {69416,
	title = {Genealogies of STS},
	journal = {Social Studies of Science},
	year = {2012},
	month = {Jun 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Social Studies of Science},
	abstract = {Human societies fashion themselves through rites of memory, gilding and illuminating some pages of the past while consigning others to forgetfulness. Official memories reinforce dominant cultural narratives, asserting continuities where skeptics might see breaks or ruptures, contradictions or untruths; indeed, revolutions, scientific or otherwise, can be thought of as violent breaks with comfortable connections between past and present. To see the power of such story-telling, consider for example the myth of the durability of the US Constitution, a myth that proclaims the unchanging identity of that founding document through a secession, a civil war, and numerous democratizing amendments that totally transformed the look of the nation{\textquoteright}s voting polity. To this day, that myth legitimates styles of constitutional analysis that challenge, under the rubric of strict constructionism, attempts to treat the Constitution as a source of living and evolving principles. Or, at the opposite pole of the Earth, take Australia{\textquoteright}s ritualistic annual observance of Anzac Day. That remarkable celebration connects the forging of the nation{\textquoteright}s identity to Gallipoli: to a dawn landing on faraway shores almost a century ago, in a war of others{\textquoteright} making, to a failed military enterprise that ended in an inglorious evacuation, following a bloody, months-long stalemate.},
	url = {http://sss.sagepub.com/},
	author = {Jasanoff, Sheila}
}
@article {69381,
	title = {The Health Care Jobs Fallacy},
	journal = {New England Journal of Medicine},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 28, 2012},
	publisher = {New England Journal of Medicine},
	abstract = {The United States is in the throes of the most serious recession in post-war history. Despite improving employment numbers, the official unemployment rate still exceeded 8\% in March 2012. Amidst this malaise, the health care sector is one of the few areas of steady growth. It may seem natural to think that if the health care sector is one of the bright spots in the economy,public policies should aim to foster continued growth in health care employment. Indeed, hospitals and other health care organizations point to the size of their payrolls as evidence that they play an important role in economic recovery, a role that must not be endangered by reforms that seek to reduce spending on health care. Politicians on both sides of the aisle are quick to emphasize the {\textquotedblleft}job-creating{\textquotedblright} or {\textquotedblleft}job-killing{\textquotedblright} aspects of reforms. But this focus on health care jobs is misguided. The goal of improving health and economic well-being does not go hand in hand with rising employment in health care. It is tempting to think that rising health care employment is a boon, but if the same outcomes can be achieved with lower employment and fewer resources, that leaves extra money to devote to other important public and private priorities such as education, infrastructure, food, shelter, and retirement savings.},
	url = {http://www.nejm.org/},
	author = {Chandra, Amitabh and Baicker, Katherine}
}
@article {69311,
	title = {Income and Democracy: Lipset{\textquoteright}s Law Inverted},
	journal = {Oxford Centre for the Analysis of Resource Rich Economies},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Oxford Centre for the Analysis of Resource Rich Economies},
	abstract = {We revisit Lipset{\textquoteright}s law, which posits a positive and significant relationship between income and democracy. Using dynamic and heterogeneous panel data estimation techniques, we find a significant and negative relationship between income and democracy: higher/lower incomes per capita hinder/trigger democratization. We thus challenge the recent empirical literature that found no such significant relationship. We attribute this result to the nature of the tax base, and exploit additional sources of heterogeneity. Decomposing overall income per capita into its resource and non-resource components, we find that the coefficient on the latter is positive and significant while that on the former is significant but negative.},
	url = {http://www.oxcarre.ox.ac.uk/index.php/Research-Papers/research-papers1.html},
	author = {Bates, Robert H.}
}
@article {69316,
	title = {The New Institutionalism and Africa},
	journal = {The Journal of African Politics},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 1, 2012},
	publisher = {The Journal of African Politics},
	abstract = {After briefly reviewing the new institutionalism, this article uses the history of political reform in Africa to test its key tenet: that power, if properly organized, is a productive resource. It does so by exploring the relationship between changes in political institutions and changes in economic performance, both at the macro- and the micro-level. The evidence indicates that political reform (Granger) causes increases in GDP per capita in the African subset of global data. And, at the micro-level, it demonstrates that changes in national political institutions in Africa strongly relate to changes in total factor productivity in agriculture.},
	url = {http://jae.oxfordjournals.org/},
	author = {Bates, Robert H.}
}
@article {69111,
	title = {Phenomenology, Psychoanalysis, and Subjectivity in Java},
	journal = {Ethos, Journal of the Society of Psychological Anthropology},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Ethos, Journal of the Society of Psychological Anthropology},
	abstract = {This essay outlines the evolution of my personal thinking about phenomenology and subjectivity. In previous work, I drew heavily on cultural phenomenology for studying illness, subjective experience, and medical knowledge across cultures. Here I describe why I have become increasingly dissatisfied with this framework for understanding subjectivity and the subject and suggest alternatives I consider important for psychological anthropology. I focus in particular on questions of how to investigate that which is largely unspeakable and unspoken in everyday speech but at times erupts into awareness as complex specters haunting the present. I provide a case from my ongoing research in Java of a young man who suffered an acute psychosis, drawing implications for a theory of subjectivity and methods for psychological anthropology. I point briefly to the relation of madness and memories of political violence as sites for investigating subjectivity, suggesting the importance of a {\textquotedblleft}hauntology{\textquotedblright} for psychological anthropology. Finally, I address questions about whether a method that addresses hidden aspects of psychological experience requires a stance in which ethnographers {\textquotedblleft}know better than{\textquotedblright} those with whom they are interacting.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1111/\%28ISSN\%291548-1352/},
	author = {Good, Byron J.}
}
@article {69306,
	title = {Revisiting African Agriculture: Institutional Change and Productivity Growth},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 22, 2012},
	abstract = {Africa is largely agrarian and the performance of agriculture shapes the performance of its economies. It has long been argued that economic development in Africa is strongly conditioned by politics. Recent changes in Africa{\textquoteright}s political systems enables us to test this argument and, by extension, broader claims about the impact of political institutions on economic development. Building on a recent analysis of total factor productivity growth in African agriculture, we find that the introduction of competitive presidential elections in the last decades of the 20th Century appears to have altered political incentives, resulting in policy reforms that have enhanced the performance of farmers.},
	author = {Bates, Robert H. and Block, Steven}
}
@article {68836,
	title = {The Rise of the States: U.S. Fiscal Decentralization in the Postwar Period},
	journal = {Journal of Public Economics},
	year = {2012},
	month = {Apr 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Journal of Public Economics},
	abstract = {One of the most dramatic changes in the fiscal federalism landscape during the postwar period has been the rapid growth in state budgets, which almost tripled as a share of GDP and doubled as a share of government spending between 1952 and 2006. We argue that the greater role of states cannot be easily explained by changes in Tiebout forces of fiscal competition, such as mobility and voting patterns, and are not accounted for by demographic or income trends. Rather, we demonstrate that much of the growth in state budgets has been driven by changes in intergovernmental interactions. Restricted federal grants to states have increased, and federal policy and legal constraints have also mandated or heavily incentivized state own-source spending, particularly in the areas of education, health and public welfare. These outside pressures moderate the forces of fiscal competition and must be taken into account when assessing the implications of observed revenue and spending patterns.},
	url = {http://www.journals.elsevier.com/journal-of-public-economics/},
	author = {Singhal, Monica and Baicker, Katherine and Clemens, Jeffrey}
}
@article {69386,
	title = {Saving Money or Just Saving Lives? Improving the Productivity of US Health Care Spending},
	journal = {Annual Review of Economics},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 2012},
	publisher = {Annual Review of Economics},
	abstract = {There is growing concern over the rising share of the US economy devoted to health care spending. Fueled in part by demographic transitions, unchecked increases in entitlement spending will necessitate some combination of substantial tax increases, elimination of other public spending, or unsustainable public debt. This massive increase in health spending might be warranted if each dollar devoted to the health care sector yielded real health benefits, but this does not seem to be the case. Although we have seen remarkable gains in life expectancy and functioning over the past several decades, there is substantial variation in the health benefits associated with different types of spending. Some treatments, such as aspirin, beta blockers, and flu shots, produce a large health benefit per dollar spent. Other more expensive treatments, such as stents for cardiovascular disease, are high value for some patients but poor value for others. Finally, a large and expanding set of treatments, such as proton-beam therapy or robotic surgery, contributes to rapid increases in spending despite questionable health benefits. Moving resources toward more productive uses requires encouraging providers to deliver and patients to consume high-value care, a daunting task in the current political landscape. But widespread inefficiency also offers hope: Given the current distribution of resources in the US health care system, there is tremendous potential to improve the productivity of health care spending and the fiscal health of the United States.},
	url = {http://www.annualreviews.org},
	author = {Chandra, Amitabh and Baicker, Katherine and Skinner, Jonathan S.}
}
@article {69091,
	title = {Senegal: What Will Turnover Bring?},
	journal = {Journal of Democracy},
	volume = {23},
	number = {3},
	year = {2012},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 13, 2012},
	pages = {121-131},
	publisher = {Journal of Democracy},
	abstract = {On 25 March 2012, Macky Sall of the Alliance for the Republic (APR) won the second round of Senegal{\textquoteright}s presidential election with 65.8 percent of the vote, handily defeating incumbent president Abdoulaye Wade of the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), who had won the most votes in the first round. In contrast to a tumultuous campaign season, election day itself was relatively peaceful. Wade graciously accepted defeat, phoning Sall to congratulate him several hours after the polls closed. French president Nicolas Sarkozy called this gesture {\textquotedblleft}proof of [Wade{\textquoteright}s] attachment to democracy.{\textquotedblright} This appraisal is too generous, however. The peaceful turnover followed months of protests and violent repression, as well as a rumored intervention by military officials to force Wade to accept defeat after the second-round voting. Debates about the constitutionality of Wade{\textquoteright}s candidacy, as well as an earlier change that he had proposed in the election law, helped to generate this turmoil, which included at least ten deaths, dozens of arrests, and many injuries.},
	url = {http://www.journalofdemocracy.org/},
	author = {Kelly, Catherine}
}
@article {68816,
	title = {Special Issue of Ethnic and Racial Studies: Responses to Stigmatization in Comparative Perspectives: Brazil, Canada, Israel, France, South Africa, Sweden and the United States},
	journal = {Taylor and Francis},
	volume = {35},
	number = {3},
	year = {2012},
	month = {Mar 1, 2012},
	pages = {365-540},
	publisher = {Taylor and Francis},
	abstract = {This special issue offers a first systematic qualitative cross-national exploration of how diverse minority groups respond to stigmatization in a wide variety of contexts. This research is the culmination of a coordinated study of stigmatized groups in Brazil, Israel, and the USA, as well as of connected research projects conducted in Canada, France, South Africa, and Sweden. The issue sheds light on the range of destigmatization strategies ordinary people adopt in the course of their daily life. Articles analyze the cultural frames they mobilize to make sense of their experiences and to determine how to respond; how they negotiate and transform social and symbolic boundaries; and how responses are enabled and constrained by institutions, national ideologies, cultural repertoires, and contexts. The similarities and differences across sites provide points of departure for further systematic research, which is particularly needed in light of the challenges for liberal democracy raised by multiculturalism.
Related Links

Interview: MP3 audio
Interview: Transcript [PDF: 81KB]
Special Issue of Ethnic and Racial Studies (WCFIA website)
Taylor \&amp; Francis Online (publisher website)
},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Mizrachi, Nissim}
}
@article {68806,
	title = {A Statistical Method for Empirical Testing of Competing Theories},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	year = {2012},
	month = {Jan 1, 2012},
	publisher = {American Journal of Political Science},
	abstract = {Empirical testing of competing theories lies at the heart of social science research. We demonstrate that a well-known class of statistical models, called finite mixture models, provides an effective way of rival theory testing. In the proposed framework, each observation is assumed to be generated either from a statistical model implied by one of the competing theories or more generally from a weighted combination of multiple statistical models under consideration. Researchers can then estimate the probability that a specific observation is consistent with each rival theory. By modeling this probability with covariates, one can also explore the conditions under which a particular theory applies.We discuss a principled way to identify a list of observations that are statistically significantly consistent with each theory and propose measures of the overall performance of each competing theory. We illustrate the relative advantages of our method over existing methods through empirical and simulation studies.},
	url = {http://www.ajps.org/},
	author = {Tingley, Dustin and Kosuke Imai}
}
@article {765706,
	title = {Cultural explanations of electoral reform: A policy cycle model},
	journal = {West European Politics},
	volume = {34},
	number = {1},
	year = {2011},
	pages = {531-550},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {761421,
	title = {THE POTATO{\textquoteright}S CONTRIBUTION TO POPULATION AND URBANIZATION: EVIDENCE FROM A HISTORICAL EXPERIMENT},
	journal = {QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS},
	year = {2011},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/nunn_qian_qje_2011.pdf},
	author = {Nunn, Nathan and Qian, Nancy}
}
@article {761406,
	title = {The Slave Trade and the Origins of Mistrust in Africa},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	year = {2011},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/nunn_wantchekon_aer_2011.pdf},
	author = {Nunn, Nathan and Leonard Wantchekon}
}
@article {378316,
	title = {The Politics of Higher Education for Refugees in a Global Movement for Basic Education},
	journal = {Refuge},
	volume = {27},
	number = {2},
	year = {2011},
	pages = {10-18},
	abstract = {In the context of Education for All (EFA) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), global movements for expanded access to education have focused on primary education. In refugee situations, where one-quarter of refugees do not have access to primary school and two-thirds do not have access to secondary school, donors and agencies resist supporting higher education with arguments that, at great cost, it stands to benefit a small and elite group. At the same time, refugees are clear that progression to higher levels of education is integrally connected with their future livelihoods and future stability for their regions of origin. This paper examines where higher education fits within a broader framework of refugee education and the politics of its provision, with attention to the policies and priorities of UN agencies, NGOs, national governments, and refugees themselves.},
	author = {Dryden-Peterson, Sarah}
}
@article {89811,
	title = {The Right to Vision: A New  Planning Praxis for Conflict Cities},
	journal = {Journal of Planning Education and Research},
	volume = {31},
	number = {3},
	year = {2011},
	pages = {241-257},
	abstract = {Building on Henri Lefebvre{\textquoteright}s work on the role of imagination in crafting socially just urban conditions and {\textquotedblleft}rights to the 
city,{\textquotedblright} this paper asks whether new ideas and urban practices can be produced through the use of experimental visioning 
techniques. Using empirical evidence drawn from an ideas competition for Jerusalem, one of the world{\textquoteright}s most intractable 
conflict cities, the paper considers the extent to which the global call to create alternative visions for a just, peaceful, 
and sustainable Jerusalem resulted in new strategies considered fundamentally different from those routinely deployed in 
conventional planning practice, how and why.},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739456X11404240},
	author = {Davis, Diane and Hatuka, Tali}
}
@article {89396,
	title = {Conflict, Education, and Displacement},
	journal = {Conflict and Education},
	volume = {1},
	number = {1},
	year = {2011},
	pages = {1-5},
	abstract = {Children make up half of people forced to flee their homes as a result of conflict. The impacts of this conflict-included displacement on education are immense. This essay focuses on five urgent challenges for education in these settings, including barriers to access, the protracted nature of displacement, urban displacement, physical integration without social integration, and the search for quality. Three central ideas emerge from these challenges as priorities for future research: the need for comprehensive data on access to and quality of education for refugee and IDP children in order to understand the context-specific nature of general challenges; the use of {\textquotedblleft}integration{\textquotedblright} as a guiding concept for education in displacement, specifically investigation of the social implications of physical integration; and the role of education as a portable durable solution for displaced children, including implications for curriculum, pedagogy, and post-primary opportunities.},
	url = {http://conflictandeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/1-1-Dryden-Peterson.pdf},
	author = {Dryden-Peterson, Sarah}
}
@article {69016,
	title = {Causal Mediation Analysis},
	journal = {The Stata Journal},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Oct 1, 2011},
	publisher = {The Stata Journal},
	abstract = {Estimating the mechanisms that connect explanatory variables with the explained variable, also known as {\textquotedblleft}mediation analysis,{\textquotedblright} is central to a variety of social-science fields, especially psychology, and increasingly to fields like epidemiology. Recent work on the statistical methodology behind mediation analysis points to limitations in earlier methods. We implement in Stata computational approaches based on recent developments in the statistical methodology of mediation analysis. In particular, we provide functions for the correct calculation of causal mediation effects using several different types of parametric models, as well as the calculation of sensitivity analyses for violations to the key.},
	url = {http://www.stata-journal.com},
	author = {Tingley, Dustin and Hicks, Raymond}
}
@article {69021,
	title = {The Dark Side of the Future: An Experimental Test of Commitment Problems in Bargaining},
	journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Sep 1, 2011},
	publisher = {International Studies Quarterly},
	abstract = {While most existing theoretical and experimental literatures focus on how a high probability of repeated play can lead to more socially efficient outcomes (for instance, using the result that cooperation is possible in a repeated prisoner{\textquoteright}s dilemma), this paper focuses on the detrimental effects of repeated play{\textemdash}the {\textquoteleft}{\textquoteleft}dark side of the future.{\textquoteright}{\textquoteright} I study a resource division model with repeated interaction and changes in bargaining strength. The model predicts a negative relationship between the likelihood of repeated interaction and social efficiency. This is because the longer shadow of the future exacerbates commitment problems created by changes in bargaining strength. I test and find support for the model using incentivized laboratory experiments. Increases in the likelihood of repeated play lead to more socially inefficient outcomes in the laboratory.},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/10.1111/\%28ISSN\%291468-2478/issues},
	author = {Tingley, Dustin}
}
@article {69031,
	title = {Unpacking the Black Box of Causality: Learning about Causal Mechanisms from Experimental and Observational Studies},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Nov 1, 2011},
	publisher = {American Political Science Review},
	abstract = {Identifying causal mechanisms is a fundamental goal of social science. Researchers seek to study not only whether one variable affects another but also how such a causal relationship arises. Yet commonly used statistical methods for identifying causal mechanisms rely upon untestable assumptions and are often inappropriate even under those assumptions. Randomizing treatment and intermediate variables is also insufficient. Despite these difficulties, the study of causal mechanisms is too important to abandon. We make three contributions to improve research on causal mechanisms. First, we present a minimum set of assumptions required under standard designs of experimental and observational studies and develop a general algorithm for estimating causal mediation effects. Second, we provide a method for assessing the sensitivity of conclusions to potential violations of a key assumption. Third, we offer alternative research designs for identifying causal mechanisms under weaker assumptions. The proposed approach is illustrated using media framing experiments and incumbency advantage studies.},
	url = {http://www.apsanet.org/apsr/},
	author = {Tingley, Dustin and Kosuke Imai and Keele, Luke}
}
@article {68911,
	title = {Fifty Years of Pursuing a Healthy Society in Japan},
	journal = {The Lancet},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Sep 1, 2011},
	publisher = {The Lancet},
	abstract = {In this Series in The Lancet, we review the past 50 years of Japan{\textquoteright}s universal health coverage, identify the major challenges of today, and propose paths for the future, within the context of long-term population aging and the devastating crises triggered by the March 11 earthquake. Japan is recognised internationally for its outstanding achievements during the second half of the 20th century, in both improving the population{\textquoteright}s health status and developing a strong health system. At the end of World War 2, in Japan, life expectancy at birth was 50 years for men and 54 years for women; by the late 1970s, Japan overtook Sweden as the world{\textquoteright}s leader for longest life expectancy at birth. Japanese women have remained in the number one slot for 25 years, reaching a life expectancy of 86.4 years in 2009 (while Japanese men slipped to fifth longest living that year, at 79.6 years).In 2011, Japan celebrates 50 years of kaihoken: health insurance for all. Universal health insurance was achieved in 1961, assuring access to a wide array of health services for the whole population. Since then, benefits have become more egalitarian while health expenditures have remained comparatively low: 8.5\% of the gross domestic product and 20th out of countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in 2008. This achievement is all the more remarkable because the percentage of the population aged 65 years or older has increased nearly four-fold (from 6\% to 23\%) over the past 50 years.},
	url = {http://www.thelancet.com/japan$\#$},
	author = {Reich, Michael R. and Takemi, Keizo and Ikegami, Naoki}
}
@article {68696,
	title = {A Living Constitution},
	journal = {Science Magazine},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 1, 2011},
	publisher = {Science Magazine},
	abstract = {Sequencing the human genome provided a powerful new way to represent human identity, and the moral implications of that re-representation are just beginning to unfold.},
	url = {http://www.sciencemag.org/magazine},
	author = {Jasanoff, Sheila}
}
@article {68581,
	title = {Sovereign Debt Disputes: A Database on Government Coerciveness During Debt Crises},
	journal = {Journal of International Money and Finance},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Dec 1, 2011},
	publisher = {Journal of International Money and Finance},
	abstract = {This paper measures {\textquotedblleft}debt disputes{\textquotedblright} between governments and
foreign private creditors in periods of sovereign debt crises. We
construct an index of government coerciveness, consisting of 9
objective sub-indicators. Each of these sub-indicators captures
unilateral government actions imposed on foreign banks and
bondholders. The results provide the first systematic account of
debt crises that goes beyond a binary categorization of default
versus non-default. Overall, government behavior and rhetoric
show a strong variability, ranging from highly confrontational to
very smooth crisis resolution processes. In a preliminary analysis
on the determinants of coercive behavior, we find political institutions
to be significant, while economic and financial factors play
a lesser role. These results open up an agenda for future research.},
	url = {http://www.journals.elsevier.com/journal-of-international-money-and-finance/$\#$description},
	author = {Enderlein, Henrik and Trebesch, Christoph and von Daniels, Laura}
}
@article {67956,
	title = {Is Greece a Failing Developed State?},
	journal = {The Konstantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy Yearbook 2011},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 2011},
	publisher = {The Konstantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy Yearbook 2011},
	abstract = {Is the Greek crisis an isolated case or the first of a series of future failing developed states? The Greek financial crisis is not on the front page of the Financial Times anymore, but it is far from over. The financial crisis did not manifest itself in Greece alone. Ireland has also sought an equally large EU-IMF rescue plan. Portugal and Spain have been under the microscope of the media and credit rating institutions. Such other instances in the Eurozone{\textquoteright}s periphery have repercussions for the currency as a whole as well as for the EU (Straubhaar, 2010). Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain are members of the Eurozone area, which means that they share the same currency with economic giants such as Germany and France.},
	url = {http://www.springer.com/economics/policy/book/978-3-642-18414-7},
	author = {Mylonas, Harris}
}
@article {67926,
	title = {Legal Transnationalism: The Relationship between Transnational Social Movement Building and International Law},
	journal = {Law \& Social Inquiry: Journal of the American Bar Foundation},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 1, 2011},
	publisher = {Law \& Social Inquiry: Journal of the American Bar Foundation},
	abstract = {This article examines the compelling enigma of how
the introduction of a new international law, the North American Agreement on
Labor Cooperation (NAALC), helped stimulate labor cooperation and collaboration
in the 1990s. It offers a theory of legal transnationalism{\textemdash}defined as processes
by which international laws and legal mechanisms facilitate social movement
building at the transnational level{\textemdash}that explains how nascent international
legal institutions and mechanisms can help develop collective interests, build
social movements, and, ultimately, stimulate cross-border collaboration and
cooperation. It identifies three primary dimensions of legal transnationalism
that explain how international laws stimulate and constrain movement building
through: (1) formation of collective identity and interests (constitutive
effects), (2) facilitation of collective action (mobilization effects), and (3)
adjudication and enforcement (redress effects).},
	url = {http://www.americanbarfoundation.org/index.html},
	author = {Kay, Tamara}
}
@article {67646,
	title = {Faith in the Law: The Role of Legal Arrangements in Religion-Based Conflicts Involving Minorities},
	journal = {Boston College International \& Comparative Law Review},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 2011},
	publisher = {Boston College International \& Comparative Law Review},
	abstract = {This Article examines the conflict-management role conferred
upon the law within Western liberal democracies in the context of cultural
tensions involving religious minorities. The Article finds that a threatened
hegemonic Christian identity and secular illiberal sentiments disguised in
liberal narratives often motivated legislative and judicial actions curtailing
the freedom of religious minorities in leading liberal democracies. Based
on these findings, this Article challenges the shortcomings of existing liberal
scholarship to account for the potential bias presented in the liberal
preference to facilitate cultural conflicts through legal means. Yet, the Article
suggests that law{\textquoteright}s limitations as a neutral vehicle in conflict resolution
does not necessarily counteract its ability to manage conflicts. The
continued attractiveness of law as the principal conflict-resolution device
in liberal democracies springs from its political nature, namely the recognition
that shifts in political power could translate into legal change.},
	url = {http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/law/lwsch/interrev.html},
	author = {Liviatan, Ofrit}
}
@article {67656,
	title = {Perspectives of UN Special Rapporteurs on their Role: Inherent Tensions and Unique Contributions to Human Rights},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Joanna Naples-Mitchell is a former Undergraduate Associate (2009-2010).Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 1, 2011},
	abstract = {This article evaluates the role of United Nations special rapporteurs through a systematic~study of the perspectives of mandate-holders. Qualitative interviews with current and~former rapporteurs and their assistants reveal that three central tensions inherent in~the rapporteur{\textquoteright}s task give the rapporteur room for individual experimentation. First, the tension between UN affiliation and independent status allows the rapporteur to~determine his/her orientation toward the UN. Secondly, the tension between~competing obligations to treat sovereign states as partners and as adversaries forces~the rapporteur to develop innovative strategies to address national sovereignty.~Thirdly, the tension between the universal scope of thematic mandates and the~impossibility of realising that scope enables the rapporteur to travel between specific~contexts and international norms. The unparalleled autonomy afforded by the position~enables rapporteurs to define rights in real time, responding to situations as they~unfold rather than after the fact. For that reason, any reform of the special procedures~system should preserve the role{\textquoteright}s unique features. Rather than expend political will~on ambitious structural changes, reform advocates should focus on increasing~funding, resources, and pressure on states to cooperate.},
	author = {Naples-Mitchell, Joanna}
}
@article {69376,
	title = {A Comparison of Product Price Targeting and Other Monetary Anchor Options, for Commodity Exporters in Latin America},
	journal = {Economia},
	volume = {12},
	number = {1},
	year = {2011},
	month = {Nov 1, 2011},
	pages = {1-57},
	publisher = {Economia},
	abstract = {Seven possible nominal variables are considered as candidates to be the anchor or target for monetary policy. The context is countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), which tend to be price takers on world markets, to produce commodity exports subject to volatile terms of trade, and to experience procyclical international finance. Three candidates are exchange rate pegs: to the dollar, euro and SDR. One candidate is orthodox Inflation Targeting. Three candidates represent proposals for a new sort of inflation targeting that differs from the usual focus on the CPI, in that prices of export commodities are given substantial weight and prices of imports are not: PEP (Peg the Export Price), PEPI (Peg an Export Price Index), and PPT (Product Price Targeting). The selling point of these production-based price indices is that each could serve as a nominal anchor while yet accommodating terms of trade shocks, in comparison to a CPI target. All seven nominal anchors deliver greater overall nominal price stability in our simulations than the inflationary historical monetary regimes actually followed by LAC countries (with the exception of Panama). A dollar peg does not particularly stabilize domestic commodity prices. As hypothesized, a product price target generally does a better job of stabilizing the real domestic prices of tradable goods than does a CPI target. CPI-targeters such as Brazil, Chile, and Peru respond to increases in world prices of imported oil with monetary policy that is sufficiently tight to appreciate their currencies, an undesirable property. A Product Price targeter or PEP country would respond to increases in world prices of its commodity exports by appreciation, a desirable property.},
	url = {http://www.brookings.edu/research/journals/2011/economiafall2011},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {68691,
	title = {Constitutional Moments in Governing Science and Technology},
	journal = {Science and Engineering Ethics},
	year = {2011},
	month = {Dec 1, 2011},
	publisher = {Science and Engineering Ethics},
	abstract = {Scholars in science and technology studies (STS) have recently been called upon to advise governments on the design of procedures for public engagement. Any such instrumental function should be carried out consistently with STS{\textquoteright}s interpretive and normative obligations as a social science discipline. This article illustrates how such threefold integration can be achieved by reviewing current US participatory politics against a seventy-year backdrop of tacit constitutional developments in governing science and technology. Two broad cycles of constitutional adjustment are discerned: the first enlarging the scope of state action as well as public participation, with liberalized rules of access and sympathetic judicial review; the second cutting back on the role of the state, fostering the rise of an academic-industrial complex for technology transfer, and privatizing value debates through increasing delegation to professional ethicists. New rules for public engagement in the United Sates should take account of these historical developments and seek to counteract some of the anti-democratic tendencies observable in recent decades.},
	url = {http://www.springer.com/social+sciences/applied+ethics/journal/11948},
	author = {Jasanoff, Sheila}
}
@article {69181,
	title = {Destabilizing the American Racial Order},
	journal = {Daedalus},
	year = {2011},
	month = {Apr 1, 2011},
	publisher = {Daedalus},
	abstract = {Since America{\textquoteright}s racial disparities remain as deep-rooted after Barack Obama{\textquoteright}s election as they were before, it was only a matter of time until the myth of postracism exploded in our collective national face.{\textendash}Peniel Joseph, The Chronicle of Higher Education, July 27, 2009In electing me, the voters picked the candidate of their choice, not their race, which foreshadowed the historic election of Barack Obama in 2008. We{\textquoteright}ve come a long way in Memphis, and ours is a story of postracial politics.{\textendash}Congressman Steve Cohen, Letter to the Editor, The New York Times, September 18, 2009Race is not going to be quite as big a deal as it is now; in the America of tomorrow . . . race will not be synonymous with destiny.{\textendash}Ellis Cose, Newsweek, January 11, 20101Are racial divisions and commitments in the United States just as deep-rooted as they were before the 2008 presidential election, largely eliminated, or persistent but on the decline? As the epigraphs show, one can easily find each of these pronouncements, among others, in the American public media. Believing any one of them{\textemdash}or any other, beyond the anodyne claim that this is {\textquotedblleft}a time of transition{\textquotedblright}{\textemdash}is likely to be a mistake, since there will be almost as much evidence against as for it. Instead, it is more illuminating to try to sort out what is changing in the American racial order, what persists or is becoming even more entrenched, and what is likely to affect the balance between change and continuity. That, at any rate, is what we propose to do (if briefly) in this article.},
	url = {http://www.mitpressjournals.org/loi/daed},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L. and Weaver, Vesla and Burch, Traci}
}
@article {68226,
	title = {Disentangling Accountability and Competence in Elections: Evidence from U.S. Term Limits},
	journal = {Journal of Politics},
	year = {2011},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2011},
	publisher = {Journal of Politics},
	abstract = {We exploit variation in U.S. gubernatorial term limits across states and time to empirically estimate two separate effects of elections on government performance. Holding tenure in office constant, differences in performance by reelection- eligible and term-limited incumbents identify an accountability effect: reelection-eligible governors have greater incentives to exert costly effort on behalf of voters. Holding term-limit status constant, differences in performance by incumbents in different terms identify a competence effect: later-term incumbents are more likely to be competent both because they have survived reelection and because they have experience in office. We show that economic growth is higher and taxes, spending, and borrowing costs are lower under reelection-eligible incumbents than under term-limited incumbents (accountability), and under reelected incumbents than under first-term incumbents (competence), all else equal. In addition to improving our understanding of the role of elections in representative democracy, these findings resolve an empirical puzzle about the disappearance of the effect of term limits on gubernatorial performance over time.},
	url = {http://www.journalofpolitics.org/},
	author = {James Alt}
}
@article {68721,
	title = {How Americans Vote},
	journal = {Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy},
	volume = {10},
	number = {4},
	year = {2011},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2011},
	pages = {471-473},
	publisher = {Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy},
	url = {http://www.liebertpub.com/elj},
	author = {Keyssar, Alexander}
}
@article {68461,
	title = {Massachusetts{\textquoteright} Health Care Reform and Emergency Department Utilization},
	journal = {New England Journal of Medicine},
	year = {2011},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 22, 2011},
	publisher = {New England Journal of Medicine},
	abstract = {Does an expansion of health insurance increase or decrease use of the emergency department (ED)? Both predictions can be justified logically. On the one hand, research on patient cost sharing predicts that by reducing the out-of-pocket costs of an ED visit, expanded insurance coverage, especially in the face of physician shortages, could result in increased ED utilization. This view has been echoed by elected leaders: Senator Jon Kyl (R-AZ), citing the Massachusetts experience with health care reform, claimed that if anything, universal coverage brought even higher rates of emergency room visits due to increased difficulty in getting appointments for outpatient physician visits. Others have predicted that expanded coverage would actually reduce ED use, since previously uninsured patients would now have access to preventive care. The relative importance of these countervailing forces is a question that clearly weighs on physicians: in a survey of emergency physicians conducted in April 2010, about 71 percent said they expected emergency visits to increase after the passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). To explore the importance of these effects, we examined the Massachusetts experience. The state{\textquoteright}s 2006 health care reform was a model for the ACA and reduced the proportion of Massachusetts adults under the age of 65 who were uninsured by 7.7 percentage points between the fall of 2006 and the fall of 2009. To determine whether any changes in ED utilization in Massachusetts reflected the effect of Massachusetts{\textquoteright} reform or were merely representative of broader regional trends in ED utilization, we used New Hampshire and Vermont as control states.},
	url = {http://www.nejm.org/},
	author = {Chandra, Amitabh}
}
@article {68231,
	title = {Offshoring and the Role of Trade Agreements},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	year = {2011},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 9, 2011},
	publisher = {American Economic Review},
	abstract = {The rise of offshoring of intermediate inputs raises important questions for commercial policy. Do the distinguishing features of offshoring introduce novel reasons for trade policy intervention? Does offshoring create new problems of global policy cooperation whose solutions require international agreements with novel features? In this paper we provide answers to these questions, and thereby initiate the study of trade agreements in the presence of offshoring. We argue that the rise of offshoring will make it increasingly difficult for governments to rely on traditional GATT/WTO concepts and rules{\textemdash}such as market access, reciprocity and non-discrimination{\textemdash}to solve their trade-related problems},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/aer/index.php},
	author = {Antr{\`a}s, Pol}
}
@article {765716,
	title = {Petroleum Patriarchy? A Response to Ross},
	journal = {Politics \& Gender},
	volume = {5},
	number = {4},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {553-560},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {761991,
	title = {Symbolic Boundaries and School Structure in New York and London Schools},
	journal = {American Journal of Education},
	volume = {116},
	number = {3},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {423-451},
	url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/651415?seq=1$\#$page_scan_tab_contents},
	author = {N. Warikoo}
}
@article {761426,
	title = {The Columbian Exchange: A History of Disease, Food, and Ideas},
	journal = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
	volume = {24},
	number = {2},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {163-188},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/nunn_qian_jep_2010.pdf},
	author = {Nunn, Nathan and Qian, Nancy}
}
@article {761431,
	title = {THE LONG-TERM EFFECTS OF AFRICA{\textquoteright}S SLAVE TRADES},
	journal = {QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS},
	year = {2010},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/empirical_slavery.pdf},
	author = {Nunn, Nathan}
}
@article {223351,
	title = {Treaty Compliance and Violation},
	journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
	volume = {13},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {273-296},
	abstract = {International law has enjoyed a recent renaissance as an important subfield of study within international relations. Two trends are evident in the recent literature. First, the obsession with theoretical labels is on the decline. Second, empirical, especially quantitative, work is burgeoning. This article reviews the literature in four issues areas{\textemdash}security, war, and peace; international trade; protection of the environment; and human rights{\textemdash}and concludes we have a much stronger basis for assessing claims about compliance and violation now than was the case only a few years ago. Still, the literature suffers from a few weaknesses, including problems of selection and endogeneity of treaties themselves and an enduring state-centric focus, despite the fact that researchers recognize that nonstate and substate actors influence treaty behavior. Nonetheless, the quality and quantity of new work demonstrates that international law has regained an important place in the study of international politics.},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.polisci.12.040907.132713},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {223931,
	title = {Irregular Armed Forces, Shifting Patterns of Commitment, and Fragmented Sovereignty in the Developing World},
	journal = {Theory and Society},
	volume = {39},
	number = {3-4},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {397-413},
	abstract = {Historically, the study of state formation has involved a focus on the urban and national conditions under which states monopolize the means of coercion, generate legitimacy, and marshal sufficient economic resources to wage war against enemies while sustaining citizen allegiance through the extension of social programs, new forms of national solidarity, and citizenship. In Charles Tilly{\textquoteright}s large body of work, these themes loomed large, and they have re-emerged in slightly reformulated ways in an unfinished manuscript that reflected on the relationship between capital and coercion in which he also integrated the element of commitment{\textemdash}or networks of trust{\textemdash}into the study of state formation. This article develops these same ideas but in new directions, casting them in light of contemporary rather than historical developments. Taking as its point of departure the accelerating rates of criminal violence and citizen insecurity in cities of the developing world, this essay suggests that random and targeted violence increasingly perpetrated by {\textquotedblleft}irregular{\textquotedblright} armed forces pose a direct challenge to state legitimacy and national sovereignty. Through examination of urban and transnational non-state armed actors who use violence to accumulate capital and secure economic dominion, and whose activities reveal alternative networks of commitment, power, authority, and even self-governance, this essay identifies contemporary parallels with the pre-modern period studied by Charles Tilly, arguing that current patterns challenge prevailing national-state forms of sovereignty. Drawing evidence primarily from Mexico and other middle income developing countries that face growing insecurity and armed violence, the article examines the new {\textquotedblleft}spatialities{\textquotedblright} of irregular armed force, how they form the basis for alternative networks of coercion, allegiance, and reciprocity that challenge old forms and scales of sovereignty, and what this means for the power and legitimacy of the traditional nation-state.},
	author = {Davis, Diane}
}
@article {212211,
	title = {Credible Commitments and the International Criminal Court},
	journal = { International Organization},
	volume = {64},
	number = {2},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {225-256},
	abstract = {The creation of an International Criminal Court (ICC) to prosecute war crimes poses a real puzzle. Why was it created, and more importantly, why do states agree to join this institution? The ICC represents a serious intrusion into a traditional arena of state sovereignty: the right to administer justice to one{\textquoteright}s one nationals. Yet more than one hundred states have joined. Social scientists are hardly of one mind about this institution, arguing that it is (alternately) dangerous or irrelevant to achieving its main purposes: justice, peace, and stability. By contrast, we theorize the ICC as a mechanism to assist states in self-binding, and draw on credible commitments theory to understand who commits to the ICC, and the early consequences of such commitments. This approach explains a counterintuitive finding: the states that are both the least and the most vulnerable to the possibility of an ICC case affecting their citizens have committed most readily to the ICC, while potentially vulnerable states with credible alternative means to hold leaders accountable do not. Similarly, ratification of the ICC is associated with tentative steps toward violence reduction and peace in those countries precisely least likely to be able to commit credibly to forswear atrocities. These findings support the potential usefulness of the ICC as a mechanism for some governments to commit to ratchet down violence and get on the road to peaceful negotiations.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons and Alison Danner}
}
@article {89826,
	title = {Irregular Armed Forces, Shifting Patterns of Commitment, and Fragmented Sovereignty in the Developing World},
	journal = {Theory and Society},
	volume = {39},
	number = {3},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {397-413},
	abstract = {Historically, the study of state formation has involved a focus on the urban and national conditions under which states monopolize the means of coercion, generate legitimacy, and marshal sufficient economic resources to wage war against enemies while sustaining citizen allegiance through the extension of social programs, new forms of national solidarity, and citizenship. In Charles Tilly{\textquoteright}s large body of work, these themes loomed large, and they have re-emerged in slightly reformulated ways in an unfinished manuscript that reflected on the relationship between capital and coercion in which he also integrated the element of commitment - or networks of trust - into the study of state formation. This article develops these same ideas but in new directions, casting them in light of contemporary rather than historical developments. Taking as its point of departure the accelerating rates of criminal violence and citizen insecurity in cities of the developing world, this essay suggests that random and targeted violence increasingly perpetrated by {\textquotedblleft}irregular{\textquotedblright} armed forces pose a direct challenge to state legitimacy and national sovereignty. Through examination of urban and transnational non-state armed actors who use violence to accumulate capital and secure economic dominion, and whose activities reveal alternative networks of commitment, power, authority, and even self-governance, this essay identifies contemporary parallels with the pre-modern period studied by Charles Tilly, arguing that current patterns challenge prevailing national-state forms of sovereignty. Drawing evidence primarily from Mexico and other middle income developing countries that face growing insecurity and armed violence, the article examines the new {\textquotedblleft}spatialities{\textquotedblright} of irregular armed force, how they form the basis for alternative networks of coercion, allegiance, and reciprocity that challenge old forms and scales of sovereignty, and what this means for the power and legitimacy of the traditional nation-state.},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1007/s11186-010-9112-6},
	author = {Davis, Diane}
}
@article {89401,
	title = {Bridging Home: Building relationships between immigrant and long-time resident youth},
	journal = {Teachers College Record},
	volume = {112},
	number = {9},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {2320-2351},
	abstract = {Background: There is rising evidence that relationships that bridge between immigrants and long-time residents are critical to immigrant integration and to the overall heath of communities. The processes by which this bridging social capital is built are not well understood. Schools in new immigrant destinations, as spaces in which diverse youth come together, provide a unique opportunity to examine how immigrant and long-time resident youth connect to each other and build relationships.
Purpose: This article examines the processes of building relationships between immigrant and long-time resident youth and explores the meaning and consequences of these processes for the individuals involved. The article further suggests ways in which schools might adopt strategies to promote personal interaction, cooperative action, and collective identification to aid in the development of these relationships.
Setting: Lewiston, Maine is the setting of this study. Between February 2001 and May 2003, 1,200 Somalis arrived in Lewiston, a town of 35,690 people, 97.3\% of whom were White at the time of the 2000 Census.
Research Design: Using the methodology of portraiture, this study examines, as an exemplary case, one relationship between two students: a Somali immigrant, and a White long-time resident. Portraiture is a methodology built on relationships, which mirrors the theoretical issues under investigation.
Findings/Results: This study provides new insights into how bridging relationships are built. The participants capitalized on the common space of their new immigrant destination school to transform casual personal interactions into a bridging relationship based on collective identification. Through dialogue, particularly about race, they challenged each other and themselves, and each came to understand the other in new ways; they also became invested in each other and dependent on each other to grow and to understand themselves and their places in a changing town.
Conclusions/Recommendations: The research identifies processes of personal interaction, cooperative action, and collective identification as central to the building of bridging relationships. It also reveals the necessity of a focus on race when researching, analyzing, or cultivating these relationships. Lessons for educators and schools seeking to foster relationships between immigrant and long-time resident youth include engaging students in direct dialogue about race and cultivating skills in empathetic storytelling and listening in order to "double-think,"or receive a counter-story.},
	url = {http://crosscultured.com/documents/Refugee/Family\%20Bridges\%20with\%20Immigant\%20youth.pdf},
	author = {Dryden-Peterson, Sarah}
}
@article {80666,
	title = {Growth in a Time of Debt},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	volume = {100},
	number = {2},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {573-578},
	abstract = {In this paper, we exploit a new multi-country historical dataset on public (government) debt to search for a systemic relationship between high public debt levels, growth and inflation. Our main result is that whereas the link between 
growth and debt seems relatively weak at {\textquotedblleft}normal{\textquotedblright} debt levels, median growth rates for countries with public debt over roughly 90 percent of GDP are about one percent lower than otherwise; average (mean) growth rates are several percent lower. Surprisingly, the relationship between public debt and growth is remarkably 
similar across emerging markets and advanced economies. This is not the case for inflation. We find no systematic relationship between high debt levels and inflation for advanced economies as a group (albeit with individual country exceptions including the United States). By contrast, in emerging market countries, high public debt levels coincide with higher inflation.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/aer.100.2.573},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S. and Reinhart, Carmen M.}
}
@article {80106,
	title = {Religion, Social Networks, and Life Satisfaction},
	journal = {American Sociological Review},
	volume = {75},
	number = {6},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {914-933},
	abstract = {Although the positive association between religiosity and life satisfaction is well documented, much theoretical and empirical controversy surrounds the question of how religion actually shapes life satisfaction. Using a new panel dataset, this study offers strong evidence for social and participatory mechanisms shaping religion{\textquoteright}s impact on life satisfaction. Our findings suggest that religious people are more satisfied with their lives because they regularly attend religious services and build social networks in their congregations. The effect of within-congregation friendship is contingent, however, on the presence of a strong religious identity. We find little evidence that other private or subjective aspects of religiosity affect life satisfaction independent of attendance and congregational friendship.},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122410386686},
	author = {Putnam, Robert D. and Lim, Chaeyoon}
}
@article {69721,
	title = {Rebalancing the Global Economy: Four Perspectives on the Future of the International Monetary System},
	journal = {Bertelsmann-stifung},
	year = {2010},
	month = {Jan 1, 2010},
	publisher = {Bertelsmann-stifung},
	abstract = {The Europeans can be proud as they look back on fifty years of peaceful integration. 
Nowadays many people in the world see the European Union as a model of how states 
and their citizens can work together in peace and in freedom. However, this achievement 
does not automatically mean that the EU has the ability to deal with the problems of the 
future in a rapidly changing world. For this reason the European Union needs to keep 
developing its unity in diversity in a dynamic way, be it with regard to energy issues, 
the euro, climate change or new types of conflict. Self-assertion and solidarity are the 
fundamental concepts which will shape the forthcoming discourse.{\textquotedblleft}Europe in Dialogue{\textquotedblleft} wishes to make a contribution to this open debate. The analyses 
in this series subject political concepts, processes and institutions to critical scrutiny and 
suggest ways of reforming internal and external European policymaking so that it is fit 
for the future. However, {\textquotedblleft}Europe in Dialogue{\textquotedblleft} is not merely trying to encourage an intraEuropean debate, and makes a point of including authors from non-EU states. Looking 
at an issue from a different angle or from a distance often helps to facilitate the crucial 
change of perspective which in turn makes it possible to continue to develop Europe in 
a meaningful way and to engage in a critical and yet courteous discourse with other 
civilizations and continents.Download the~PDF.},
	url = {http://www.bertelsmann-stiftung.de/cps/rde/xchg/bst_engl/hx.xsl/index.html},
	author = {Cooper, Richard N. and Collignon, Stefan and Kawai, Masahiro and Zhang, Yongjun}
}
@article {67466,
	title = {Israel and Palestine{\textemdash}Two States for Two Peoples: If Not Now, When?},
	journal = {Foreign Policy Association},
	year = {2010},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2010},
	publisher = {Foreign Policy Association},
	abstract = {The Boston Study Group on Middle East Peace is comprised of professional and academic members with strong interest in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Some have been intensely engaged with this subject for decades. Others have closely followed the conflict within the context of their professional work in conflict resolution, international law and international relations, religion, and US foreign policy.The Group{\textquoteright}s principal contribution is the jointly written Policy Statement entitled Israel and Palestine{\textemdash}Two States for Two Peoples: If not Now, When? The Statement stands as a collegial, collective enterprise that represents a consensus view of the group.Prior to drafting the policy statement each member undertook to research and write a background paper on one of the topics important to the statement.},
	url = {http://www.fpa.org/topics_info2414/topics_info_show.htm?doc_id=1143022},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C. and Martin, Lenore G. and Walt, Stephen M. and Berger, Alan and Cox, Harvey and Mendelsohn, Everette and Norton, Augustus Richard and Steiner, Henry J.}
}
@article {69176,
	title = {How, If at All, Is Racial and Ethnic Stratification Changing, and What Should We Do about It?},
	journal = {Cambridge University Press},
	year = {2010},
	month = {Sep 30, 2010},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	abstract = {These chapters on the politics of groups push the reader to consider a difficult but essential question: How, if at all, are old forms of racial and ethnic stratification changing? A broadly persuasive answer would have powerful implications ranging from constitutional design and electoral strategies to interpersonal relationships and private emotions. However, the question is not only difficult to answer for obvious empirical reasons, but also because, for scholars just as for the general public, one{\textquoteright}s own views inevitably shape what one considers to be legitimate evidence and appropriate evaluation of it. So the study of racial dynamics is exasperatingly circular, even with the best research and most impressive researchers. Although my concerns about circularity lead me to raise questions about all three chapters, I want to begin by pointing out their quality. Each provides the reader with a clear thesis, well defended by relevant evidence and attentive to alternative arguments or weaknesses in the preferred one. Each chapter grows out of a commitment to the best values of liberal democracy{\textemdash}individual freedom and dignity, along with collective control by the citizenry over their governors{\textemdash}but commitments do not override careful analysis. Each chapter is a pleasure to read and teaches us something new and important. My observations begin with a direct comparison of Pildes{\textquoteright}s and Karlan{\textquoteright}s respective evaluations of the United States{\textquoteright} Voting Rights Act and its appropriate reforms. I then bring in Hutchings and his colleagues{\textquoteright} analysis of American racial and ethnic groups{\textquoteright} views of each other, which provides some of the essential background for adjudicating between Pildes{\textquoteright}s and Karlan{\textquoteright}s positions. Underpinning my discussion, and becoming more explicit in the conclusion, is an observation that is not new to me but is nevertheless important: People who identify as progressives are often deeply suspicious of attempts to alter current policies about or understandings of racial and ethnic stratification, whereas people who identify as conservatives are often most eager to see and promote modifications in current practices. There is something deeply ironic here{\textemdash}both in the difficulties of many on the left to recognize what has changed and in the difficulties of many on the right to recognize what has not.},
	url = {http://www.cambridge.org/home/home/item5655304/?site_locale=en_GB},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L.}
}
@article {69146,
	title = {If Democracies Need Informed Voters, How Can They Thrive While Expanding Enfranchisement?},
	journal = {Election Law Journal},
	year = {2010},
	month = {Apr 1, 2010},
	publisher = {Election Law Journal},
	abstract = {In a democracy, knowledge is power.{\textemdash}Jerit et al. 2006, 266The two simplest truths I know about the distribution of political information in modern electorates are that the mean is low and the variance high.{\textemdash}Converse 1990, 372If a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be.{\textemdash}Thomas Jefferson, letter to Charles Yancey, 1816},
	url = {http://www.liebertpub.com/ELJ},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L.}
}
@article {67541,
	title = {Reconsidering Culture and Poverty},
	journal = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
	volume = {629},
	year = {2010},
	note = {\&nbsp;},
	month = {May 1, 2010},
	pages = {6-27},
	publisher = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Small, Mario Luis and Harding, David J.}
}
@article {68016,
	title = {{\textquotedblleft}There{\textquoteright}s No One as Irish as Barack O{\textquoteright}Bama{\textquotedblright}: The Policy and Politics of American Multiracialism},
	journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
	year = {2010},
	month = {Sep 1, 2010},
	publisher = {Perspectives on Politics},
	abstract = {For the first time in American history, the 2000 United States census allowed individuals to choose more than one race. That new policy sets up our exploration of whether and how multiracialism is entering Americans{\textquoteright} understanding and practice of race. By analyzing briefly earlier cases of racial construction, we uncover three factors important to understanding if and how intensely a feedback effect for racial classification will be generated. Using this framework, we find that multiracialism has been institutionalized in the federal government, and is moving toward institutionalization in the private sector and other governmental units. In addition, the small proportion of Americans who now define themselves as multiracial is growing absolutely and relatively, and evidence suggests a continued rise. Increasing multiracial identification is made more likely by racial mixture{\textquoteright}s growing prominence in Amer- ican society{\textemdash}demographically, culturally, economically, and psychologically. However, the politics side of the feedback loop is complicated by the fact that identification is not identity. Traditional racial or ethnic loyalties and understandings remain strong, including among potential multiracial identifiers. Therefore, if mixed-race identification is to evolve into a multiracial identity, it may not be at the expense of existing group consciousness. Instead, we expect mixed-race identity to be contextual, fluid, and additive, so that it can be layered onto rather than substituted for traditional monoracial commitments. If the multiracial movement successfully challenges the longstanding understanding and practice of {\textquotedblleft}one drop of blood{\textquotedblright} racial groups, it has the potential to change much of the politics and policy of American race relations.},
	url = {http://www.apsanet.org/content_3246.cfm},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L. and Weaver, Vesla}
}
@article {765726,
	title = {Comparing political communications: Common frameworks or Babylonian confusion?},
	journal = {Government and Opposition},
	volume = {44},
	number = {3},
	year = {2009},
	pages = {321-340},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {761996,
	title = {Cultural Explanations for Racial and Ethnic Stratification in Academic Achievement: A Call for a New and Improved Theory},
	journal = {Review of Educational Research},
	year = {2009},
	url = {http://rer.sagepub.com.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/content/79/1/366.full},
	author = {N. Warikoo and P. Carter}
}
@article {223141,
	title = {Civil Rights in International Law: Compliance with Aspects of the {\textquoteleft}International Bill of Rights{\textquoteright}},
	journal = {Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies},
	volume = {16},
	number = {2},
	year = {2009},
	pages = {437-481},
	abstract = {International law has developed what many might consider a constitutional understanding of individual civil rights that individuals can claim vis-a-vis their own governments. This paper discusses the development of aspects of international law relating to civil rights, and argues that if this body of law is meaningful we should see evidence of links between acceptance of international legal obligation and domestic practices. Recognizing that external forms of enforcement of civil rights is unlikely (because not generally in the interest of potential "enforcers"), I argue that international civil rights treaties will have their greatest effect where stakeholders - local citizens - have the motive and the means to demand treaty compliance. This is most likely to be the case not in stable autocracies, where such demands are likely to be crushed, nor in stable democracies, where the motive to mobilize is attenuated due to rights saturation, but in transitional countries where the expected value of mobilization is maximized. Thus, I test the hypothesis that the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is likely to have its greatest positive effects in transitional countries - those that have had some fleeting experience with democratic governance. This proposition is tested quantitatively with indicators for freedom of religious practice and fair trials. The proposition is weakly supported by extremely stringent statistical models that control for the endogeneity of the treaty commitments, country and year fixed effects, and other obvious influences on civil rights practices. I conclude that the International Bill of Rights has the power to influence the direction of rights practices in fluid political situations, but cannot magically transform autocracies into liberal guarantors of civil liberties. Still, these effects are important, and the most we can expect from scraps of paper which the international community has been reluctant to enforce.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {223136,
	title = {Should States Ratify the Protocol? Process and Consequences of the Optional Protocol of the ICESCR},
	journal = {Norwegian Journal of Human Rights},
	volume = {27},
	number = {1},
	year = {2009},
	pages = {64-81},
	abstract = {Proponents and opponents of ratification of the ICESCR"s Optional Protocol have both exaggerated the consequences of giving individuals a {\textquotedblleft}private right of standing{\textquotedblright} before the Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights. But this article argues that, on balance, ratification should be encouraged. Individuals will bring new and urgent issues to the international agenda, and the dialog will help to encourage a better sense of states" international legal obligations under the treaty. The consequences for ESC rights are likely to be modestly positive, if outcomes under the OP of the ICCPR are any guide. Even states that already respect ESC rights in their domestic law should ratify, because there is a tendency, judging by the ratification behaviour relating to similar agreements, for states to emulate ratification practices of other states in their region. Ratification will neither end deprivation nor damage the credibility of the international legal system. It will be a modest step forward in consensus-formation of the meaning of ESC rights, which in turn is a positive step toward their ultimate provision.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {223131,
	title = {Should States Ratify the Protocol? Process and Consequences of the Optional Protocol of the ICESCR},
	journal = {Norwegian Journal of Human Rights},
	volume = {27},
	number = {1},
	year = {2009},
	abstract = { 	Proponents and opponents of ratification of the ICESCR"s Optional Protocol have both exaggerated the consequences of giving individuals a {\textquotedblleft}private right of standing{\textquotedblright} before the Committee on Economic Social and Cultural Rights. But this article argues that, on balance, ratification should be encouraged. Individuals will bring new and urgent issues to the international agenda, and the dialog will help to encourage a better sense of states" international legal obligations under the treaty. The consequences for ESC rights are likely to be modestly positive, if outcomes under the OP of the ICCPR are any guide. Even states that already respect ESC rights in their domestic law should ratify, because there is a tendency, judging by the ratification behaviour relating to similar agreements, for states to emulate ratification practices of other states in their region. Ratification will neither end deprivation nor damage the credibility of the international legal system. It will be a modest step forward in consensus-formation of the meaning of ESC rights, which in turn is a positive step toward their ultimate provision.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {80676,
	title = {The Aftermath of Financial Crises},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	volume = {99},
	number = {2},
	year = {2009},
	pages = {466-472},
	abstract = {A year ago, we presented a historical analysis comparing the run-up to the 2007 US subprime financial crisis with the antecedents of other banking crises in advanced economies since World War II (Reinhart and Rogoff 2008a). We  showed that standard indicators for the United States, such as asset price inflation, rising leverage, large sustained current account deficits, and a slowing trajectory of economic growth, exhibited virtually all the signs of a country on the verge of a financial crisis - indeed, a severe one. In this paper, we engage in a similar comparative historical analysis that is focused on the aftermath of systemic banking crises.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/aer.99.2.466},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S. and Reinhart, Carmen M.}
}
@article {67361,
	title = {Judicial Activism and Religion-Based Tensions in India and Israel},
	journal = {Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Dec 7, 2009},
	publisher = {Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law},
	abstract = {Contemporary democratic reality is characterized by the growing role of courts in politics, as social activists regularly utilize the judicial process in an attempt to secure their values and interests as law. Observers of constitutional politics generally explain this phenomenon in the recent constitutional transformations worldwide, manifested primarily in the enactment of bills of rights accompanied by judicial review powers. These constitutional transformations enabled and simplified the ability of those with limited access to the majoritarian-led parliamentary process to challenge governmental policies through the courts.1 As a result, law has come to be perceived as a compelling mechanism to effectuate progressive change and facilitate authoritative resolutions to conflicts.2 In societies divided along religious lines, the appeal of litigation has been particularly strong, with secular and religious groups increasingly viewing it as a principal opportunity to mold the public sphere in accordance with their political and moral preferences.This paper seeks to evaluate the efforts to achieve these perceived goals{\textemdash}of effectuating change and managing conflict{\textemdash}through the judicial process, by examining its effects in the context of the religion-based conflicts of India and Israel. By way of an empirical comparison the paper considers: (i) the judicial impact on the realization of fundamental rights, the rectification of existing discriminatory practices, and the advancement toward a more pluralist and egalitarian society; (ii) the judicial contribution to generating authoritative resolution to religion-based conflicts; and (iii) possible long term social and political implications stemming from judicial intervention in policy questions concerning hotly disputed religion-based conflicts.\&nbsp;},
	url = {http://www.law.arizona.edu/journals/ajicl/},
	author = {Liviatan, Ofrit}
}
@article {67321,
	title = {Conflict Nightmares and Trauma in Aceh},
	year = {2009},
	month = {Jun 1, 2009},
	abstract = {In both the Acehnese and Indonesian languages, there is no single lexical term for {\textquotedblleft}nightmare.{\textquotedblright} And yet findings from a large field research project in Aceh that examined post traumatic experience during Aceh{\textquoteright}s nearly 30-year rebellion against the Indonesian state and current mental distress revealed a rich variety of dream narratives that connect directly and indirectly to respondents{\textquoteright} past traumatic experiences. The results reported below suggest that even in a society that has a very different cultural ideology about dreams, where {\textquotedblleft}nightmares{\textquotedblright} as such are not considered dreams but rather the work of mischievous spirits called jin, they are still a significant part of the trauma process. We argue that it is productive to distinguish between terrifying and repetitive dreams that recreate the traumatic moment and the more ordinary varieties of dreams that Acehnese reported to their interviewers. Nightmares that refer back to conflict events do not appear as an elaborated feature of trauma as the condition is understood by people in Aceh, but when asked further about their dreams, respondents who reported symptoms suggestive of PTSD were more likely to report PTSD-like dreams, memory intrusions that repeat the political violence of the past.

To download the full version of this article, go to (login required):http://www.springerlink.com/content/d7w70j2424656558/},
	author = {Grayman, Jesse Hession and Good, Mary-Jo DelVecchio and Good, Byron J.}
}
@article {67316,
	title = {Shaping Democratic Practice and the Causes of Electoral Fraud: Theory and Evidence from Pre-1914 Germany},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 1, 2009},
	abstract = {Why is there so much alleged electoral fraud in new democracies? Most scholarship focuses
on the proximate cause of electoral competition. This article proposes a different answer by
constructing and analyzing an original data set drawn from the German parliament{\textquoteright}s own
voluminous record of election disputes for every parliamentary election in the life of Imperial Germany
(1871{\textendash}1912) after its adoption of universal male suffrage in 1871. The article analyzes the election of
over 5,000 parliamentary seats to identify where and why elections were disputed as a result of \&quot;election
misconduct.\&quot; The empirical analysis demonstrates that electoral fraud{\textquoteright}s incidence is significantly related
to a society{\textquoteright}s level of inequality in landholding, a major source of wealth, power, and prestige in this
period. After weighing the importance of two different causal mechanisms, the article concludes that
socioeconomic inequality, by making elections endogenous to preexisting social power, can be a major
and underappreciated barrier to the long-term process of democratization even after the {\textquotedblleft}choice{\textquotedblright} of
formally democratic rules.},
	author = {Daniel Ziblatt}
}
@article {67146,
	title = {Japan and the Axis, 1937-8: Recognition of the Franco Regime and Manchukuo},
	journal = {Journal of Contemporary History},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 1, 2009},
	publisher = {Journal of Contemporary History},
	abstract = {After just one year of the Spanish Civil War, the Marco Polo Bridge Incident
led to the Sino-Japanese War, both conflicts remaining for two years as daily
reminders of the world conflicts of the time. This article attempts to emphasize
the importance of the coincidence in time of those conflicts in delimiting each
bloc, especially through a decision that was particularly divisive for the
Japanese government, such as recognition of Franco{\textquoteright}s rebel government after
the outbreak of the war in China. Efforts by Japanese Foreign Minister Hirota
K{\"A}ki to avoid a decision that would further Japan{\textquoteright}s pro-Axis drift show the
lines of division in the government. His maneuvers progressively failed, including
the November 1937 proposal for negotiations to include the recognition of
Manchukuo, accepted first by Franco{\textquoteright}s Spain, later by Italy and finally by the
Germans. The article emphasizes the role of Italy in Asia, the reasons for
Spanish actions, and the aims of other key persons in this period, such as Prime
Minister Konoe, the postwar leader Yoshida Shigeru, or Ishihara Kanji, the
officer who masterminded the 1931 invasion of Manchuria.},
	url = {http://jch.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/44/3/431},
	author = {Rodao, Florentino}
}
@article {67186,
	title = {The Past and Future of the Separation of Human Rights into Categories},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 29, 2009},
	abstract = {It is a commonplace to recall that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) integrated civil and political rights (CPR) with economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCR), and that the two International Covenants separated them.Reflecting Cold War divisions, stress on one or the other of these two traditional categories tended to reveal preferences for neo-liberal or social democratic understandings of human rights, when it was not more blatantly reflective of competition between the NATO and Warsaw Pact (plus "Non-Aligned") countries, a sort of North{\textendash}West vs. East{\textendash}South ideological split. This article explores how the separation of categories of rights has lost its pertinence in the first decade of the 21st century. My purpose is to show how the separation into two categories is perhaps a convenient taxonomy for some, but subject to serious challenge from the perspectives of political history, the theory of rights, and contemporary policy.},
	author = {Marks, Stephen}
}
@article {66966,
	title = {G8 and Strengthening of Health Systems: Follow-up to the Toyako Summit},
	journal = {The Lancet},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 15, 2009},
	publisher = {The Lancet},
	abstract = {The 2008 G8 summit in Toyako, Japan, produced a strong commitment for collective action to strengthen health
systems in developing countries, indicating Japan{\textquoteright}s leadership on, and the G8{\textquoteright}s increasing engagement with, global health policy. This paper describes the context for the G8{\textquoteright}s role in global health architecture and analyses three key components\&mdash;financing, information, and the health workforce\&mdash;that affect the performance of health systems. We propose recommendations for actions by G8 leaders to strengthen health systems by making the most effective use of existing resources and increasing available resources. We recommend increased attention by G8 leaders to country capacity and country ownership in policy making and implementation. The G8 should also implement a yearly review
for actions in this area, so that changes in health-system performance can be monitored and better understood.},
	url = {http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(08)61899-1/abstract},
	author = {Reich, Michael R. and Takemi, Keizo}
}
@article {66891,
	title = {The Impact of Alternative Constitutional Regimes on Religious Freedom in Canada and England},
	journal = {Boston College International and Comparative Law Review},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Nov 1, 2009},
	publisher = {Boston College International and Comparative Law Review},
	abstract = {This article examines whether the global trend of codifying
rights in entrenched bills accompanied by judicial review to broaden
rights protection is justified. By comparing the religious freedom regimes
in Canada and England, this article finds that although the Canadian
constitutional transformation in the late twentieth century contributed
to strengthening religious freedom, its overall effect has not
been broader than the protection afforded by its primordial English
statutory model. As such, the article challenges the ongoing legal debate
over judicially enforced constitutional systems of rights. Proponents
of such systems praise their extensive contribution to rights protection,
while opponents warn against their obstructive impact on the
separation of powers. This article concludes that both sides of the debate
overstate their arguments by incorrectly presupposing the actual
effects of a judicially enforced constitutional system of rights.},
	url = {http://www.bc.edu/bc_org/avp/law/lwsch/interrev.html},
	author = {Liviatan, Ofrit}
}
@article {67201,
	title = {Complementary Rather Than Contradictory: Diversity and Excellence in Peer Review and Admissions in American Higher Education},
	journal = {21st Century Society},
	volume = {4},
	number = {1},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 1, 2009},
	pages = {1-15},
	publisher = {21st Century Society},
	abstract = {Diversity is largely accepted as a positive value in American society. Nevertheless, policies to encourage diversity, e.g. affirmative action, language policies and legalising illegal immigrants, are still largely disputed, and often understood as having contradictory and largely negative consequences. The implementation of diversity is still seen as a threat to meritocracy, national cohesion, and democracy. This paper analyses how excellence and diversity are discussed in two academic decision-making processes: admission at two elite public universities and the distribution of competitive research fellowships. We argue that excellence and diversity are not alternative but additive considerations in the allocation of resources. The administrators and academics we studied factor diversity in as an additional consideration when decisions are to be made between applicants of roughly equal standing.},
	url = {http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/rsoc},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Moraes Da Silva, Graziella}
}
@article {67306,
	title = {Epi+demos+cracy: Linking Political Systems and Priorities to the Magnitude of Health Inequities{\textemdash}Evidence, Gaps, and a Research A},
	year = {2009},
	note = {},
	month = {May 27, 2009},
	abstract = {A new focus within both social epidemiology and political sociology investigates how political systems and priorities shape health inequities. To advance{\textemdash}and better integrate{\textemdash}research on political determinants of health inequities, the authors conducted a systematic search of the ISI Web of Knowledge and PubMed databases and identified 45 studies, commencing in 1992, that explicitly and empirically tested, in relation to an a priori political hypothesis, for either 1) changes in the magnitude of health inequities or 2) significant cross-national differences in the magnitude of health inequities. Overall, 84\% of the studies focused on the global North, and all clustered around 4 political factors: 1) the transition to a capitalist economy; 2) neoliberal restructuring; 3) welfare states; and 4) political incorporation of subordinated racial/ethnic, indigenous, and gender groups. The evidence suggested that the first 2 factors probably increase health inequities, the third is inconsistently related, and the fourth helps reduce them. In this review, the authors critically summarize these studies{\textquoteright} findings, consider methodological limitations, and propose a research agenda{\textemdash}with careful attention to spatiotemporal scale, level, time frame (e.g., life course, historical generation), choice of health outcomes, inclusion of polities, and specification of political mechanisms{\textemdash}to address the enormous gaps in knowledge that were identified.},
	author = {Beckfield, Jason and Krieger, Nancy}
}
@article {67211,
	title = {Global Governance of Global Monetary Relations: Rationale and Feasibility},
	journal = {Open-Access, Open-Assessment Journal},
	year = {2009},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 9, 2009},
	publisher = {Open-Access, Open-Assessment Journal},
	abstract = {Is there a valid argument for international cooperation, and some form of international governance structure, in the international monetary realm? On the purely economic front, the argument is not strong. Yet a broader political economy approach concludes that national currency policy can in fact impose non-pecuniary externalities on partner nations. This is especially the case with major policy-driven misalignments, which cannot easily be countered by other governments. For example, one country{\textquoteright}s substantially depreciated currency can provoke powerful protectionist pressures in its trading partners, so that exchange rate policy spills over into trade policy in potentially damaging ways. Inasmuch as one government{\textquoteright}s policies create these sorts of costs for other countries, and for the world economy as a whole, there is a case for global governance. This might include some institutionalized mechanism to monitor and publicize substantial currency misalignments. While there appears to be little global political attention to such a mechanism now, there have been initiatives along these lines at the regional level, and the current crisis may have stimulated more general stirrings of interest.},
	url = {http://www.economics-ejournal.org/economics/journalarticles/2009-6},
	author = {Frieden, Jeffry}
}
@article {67241,
	title = {The limits of reputation on compliance},
	journal = {International Law Reporter},
	year = {2009},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 2009},
	publisher = {International Law Reporter},
	abstract = {This short paper is a response to Andrew Guzman{\textquoteright}s book, How International Law Works. Guzman presents a novel synthesis of the IR approaches to IL by arguing that a state{\textquoteright}s concern with its reputation is one most important source of compliance with international law. But the book{\textquoteright}s approach to reputation is not up to the task of explaining compliance. In discussion the book{\textquoteright}s shortcomings, I ask to whom the relevant reputation belongs. Guzman relies on notions of the state{\textquoteright}s reputation, but this assignment is a problem for a causation analysis because governments (who make the compliance decisions) will not fully internalize the state{\textquoteright}s reputation. In addition, I discuss the methodological problems in Guzman{\textquoteright}s approach. The book provides for only a very loose means of assessing reputational costs, even as a conceptual matter. Without such means of assessment, any claim about the power of reputation remains non-falsifiable and therefore has less theoretical force.},
	url = {http://ilreports.blogspot.com/2009/02/brewster-limits-of-reputation-on.html},
	author = {Brewster, Rachel}
}
@article {67291,
	title = {Linking international agricultural research knowledge with action for sustainable development},
	year = {2009},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 6, 2009},
	abstract = {We applied an innovation framework to sustainable livestock development research projects in Africa and Asia. The focus of these projects ranged from pastoral systems to poverty and ecosystems services mapping to market access by the poor to fodder and natural resource management to livestock parasite drug resistance. We found that these projects closed gaps between knowledge and action by combining different kinds of knowledge, learning, and boundary spanning approaches; by providing all partners with the same opportunities; and by building the capacity of all partners to innovate and communicate.},
	author = {Kristjanson, Patti and Reid, Robin S. and Dickson, Nancy and Clark, William C. and Romney, Dannie and Puskur, Ranjitha and MacMillan, Susan and Grace, Delia}
}
@article {67301,
	title = {A New Trichotomous Measure of World-system Position Using the International Trade Network},
	year = {2009},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 9, 2009},
	abstract = {Snyder and Kick{\textquoteright}s (1979) measure of world-system position continues to serve as the premier trichotomous network indicator of a state{\textquoteright}s location in the capitalist world economy. In this study, we identify several problems with this orthodox measure concerning its age, informal construction, and incorporation of inappropriate networks. We introduce a trichotomous network measure of world-system position that addresses these concerns, applying Borgatti and Everett{\textquoteright}s (1999) core/periphery model to a three-tiered partition using international trade data. Our trichotomous measure of the trade network identifies an expanded core, consisting of an old orthodox core joined by a set of upwardly mobile states. We estimate the effect of world-system position on economic growth and find that our trade measure significantly outperforms Snyder and Kick{\textquoteright}s orthodox measure. When controlling for human capital, the strong effects of our trade measure persist, while the weaker effects estimated by the orthodox measure largely disappear. Moreover, our models with human capital reveal that states economically converge within world-system zones, while continuing to diverge between zones.},
	author = {Beckfield, Jason and Clark, Rob}
}
@article {67246,
	title = {Unpacking the State{\textquoteright}s Reputation},
	year = {2009},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2009},
	abstract = {International law scholars debate when international law matters to states, how it matters, and whether we can improve compliance. One of the few areas of agreement is that fairly robust levels of compliance can be achieved by tapping into states{\textquoteright} concerns with their reputation. The logic is intuitively appealing: a state that violates international law develops a bad reputation, which leads other states to exclude the violator from future cooperative opportunities. Anticipating a loss of future gains, states will often comply with international rules that are not in their immediate interests. The level of compliance that reputation can sustain depends, however, on how the government decision makers value the possibility of being excluded from future cooperative agreements. This Article examines how governments internalize reputational costs to the {\textquotedblleft}state{\textquotedblright} and how audiences evaluate the predictive value of violating governments{\textquoteright} actions. The Article concludes that international law{\textquoteright}s current approach to reputation is counterproductive, because it treats reputation as an error term that makes rationalists{\textquoteright} claims invariably correct.},
	author = {Brewster, Rachel}
}
@article {765736,
	title = {Getting the Message Out: A two-step model of the role of the Internet in campaign communication flows during the 2005 British General Election},
	journal = {The  Journal of Information Technology and Politics},
	volume = {4},
	number = {4},
	year = {2008},
	pages = {3-13},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and John Cutice}
}
@article {80686,
	title = {Is the 2007 US Sub-Prime Financial Crisis So Different? An International Historical Comparison},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	volume = {98},
	number = {2},
	year = {2008},
	pages = {339-344},
	abstract = {The first major financial crisis of the twenty-first century involves esoteric  instruments, unaware regulators, and skittish investors. It also follows a well-trodden path laid down by centuries of financial folly. Is the {\textquotedblleft}special{\textquotedblright} problem of sub-prime mortgages really different? Our examination of the longer historical record, which is part of a larger effort on currency and debt crises, finds stunning qualitative and quantitative parallels across a number of standard financial crisis indicators. To name a few, the run-up in US equity and housing prices that Graciela L. Kaminsky and Reinhart (1999) find to be the best leading indicators of crisis in countries experiencing large capital inflows closely tracks the average of the previous 18 post{\textendash}World War II banking crises in industrial 
countries. So, too, does the inverted v-shape of real growth in the years prior to the crisis. Despite widespread concern about the effects on national debt of the tax cuts of the early 2000s, the run-up in US public debt is actually somewhat below the average of other crisis episodes. In contrast, the pattern of US current account deficits is markedly worse. At this juncture, the book is still open on how the current dislocations in the United States will play out. The precedent found in the aftermath of other episodes suggests that the strains can be quite severe, depending especially on the initial degree of trauma to the financial system (and to some extent, the policy response). The average drop in (real per capita) output growth is over 2 percent, and it typically takes two years to return to trend. For the five most catastrophic cases (which include episodes in Finland, Japan, Norway, Spain, and Sweden), the drop in annual output growth from peak to trough is over 5 percent, and growth remained well below pre-crisis trend even after three years. These more catastrophic cases, of course, mark the boundary that policymakers particularly want to avoid.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/aer.98.2.339},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S. and Reinhart, Carmen M.}
}
@article {67531,
	title = {Les Conditions de l{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation Universitaire},
	year = {2008},
	note = {http://www.mouvements.info/Les-conditions-de-l-evaluation.html},
	month = {May 8, 2008},
	abstract = {La question de l{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation
professionnelle des enseignants-chercheurs est au c{\oe}ur du mouvement
qui, depuis trois mois et demi, les oppose quasi unanimement au
gouvernement fran{\c c}ais. Ils ont entendu Nicolas Sarkozy leur reprocher
de ne jamais voir leur travail {\'e}valu{\'e},
alors que c{\textquoteright}est aujourd{\textquoteright}hui le cas {\`a} chaque {\'e}tape de leur carri{\`e}re,
chaque fois qu{\textquoteright}ils sollicitent le financement d{\textquoteright}un projet et chaque
fois qu{\textquoteright}ils soumettent un article {\`a} une revue scientifique.
D{\textquoteright}autre part, on leur rebat que le {\guillemotleft}~classement de Shanghai~{\guillemotright} mesure
les performances d{\textquoteright}ensemble du syst{\`e}me de recherche fran{\c c}ais, alors
m{\^e}me qu{\textquoteright}il ignore par construction une grande partie de sa production
(effectu{\'e}e au sein du CNRS) et qu{\textquoteright}il s{\textquoteright}agit d{\textquoteright}un palmar{\`e}s peu valoris{\'e} {\`a} l{\textquoteright}{\'e}tranger. Le point
crucial de la controverse concerne n{\'e}anmoins le type et les modalit{\'e}s
d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation individuelle auxquels il est souhaitable de soumettre les
enseignants-chercheurs au long de leur parcours professionnel.
De nombreuses interventions publiques ont d{\'e}j{\`a} soulign{\'e} qu{\textquoteright}une
{\'e}valuation coll{\'e}giale, ind{\'e}pendante, approfondie et qualitative, par
des sp{\'e}cialistes du domaine concern{\'e}, {\'e}tait une condition n{\'e}cessaire
pour recruter et distinguer de bons chercheurs. Ce n{\textquoteright}est pas un hasard
si c{\textquoteright}est la fa{\c c}on de faire courante dans la plupart des pays europ{\'e}ens,
ainsi qu{\textquoteright}en Am{\'e}rique du Nord.
En France aussi, jusqu{\textquoteright}en 2008, les enseignants-chercheurs {\'e}taient
s{\'e}lectionn{\'e}s exclusivement par leurs (futurs) coll{\`e}gues~: d{\textquoteright}abord par
une section du Conseil National des Universit{\'e}s propre {\`a} chaque
discipline, puis par une commission de sp{\'e}cialistes de cette m{\^e}me
discipline propre {\`a} chaque {\'e}tablissement. Le syst{\`e}me fran{\c c}ais
comportait n{\'e}anmoins et comporte toujours de nombreux d{\'e}fauts nuisant
trop souvent {\`a} son efficacit{\'e} (et {\`a} sa justice), notamment au moment de
la premi{\`e}re embauche~: r{\'e}currence du client{\'e}lisme local,
auditions-{\'e}clairs des candidats, manque de transparence des
d{\'e}lib{\'e}rations, p{\'e}nurie chronique de postes {\`a} pourvoir alors que
l{\textquoteright}Universit{\'e} est d{\'e}j{\`a} en sous-effectifs, attractivit{\'e} limit{\'e}e par des
conditions de travail d{\'e}grad{\'e}es et des salaires peu comp{\'e}titifs {\`a}
l{\textquoteright}international (y compris en Europe).
Pourtant,
la vaste {\guillemotleft}~r{\'e}forme~{\guillemotright} entreprise depuis deux ans sous l{\textquoteright}{\'e}gide de la loi
LRU, ne s{\textquoteright}attaque v{\'e}ritablement {\`a} aucun de ces probl{\`e}mes cruellement
ressentis par les enseignants-chercheurs. Au lieu de quoi, elle pr{\'e}tend
r{\'e}former leurs carri{\`e}res en soumettant les recrutements et promotions {\`a}
des comit{\'e}s de s{\'e}lection ad hoc, qui peuvent {\^e}tre largement
interdisciplinaires, passibles du v{\'e}to du pr{\'e}sident d{\textquoteright}{\'e}tablissement, et
en conf{\'e}rant {\`a} ce dernier le pouvoir de moduler {\`a} la hausse le service
d{\textquoteright}enseignement des universitaires qui seraient identifi{\'e}s (par qui~?
comment~?) comme des chercheurs peu performants.
Cette perspective manag{\'e}riale est-elle envisageable~? Est-elle
compatible avec le principe de l{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation par les pairs (qui veut que
le {\guillemotleft}~bon math{\'e}maticien~{\guillemotright} soit d{\'e}sign{\'e} comme tel par ses coll{\`e}gues
math{\'e}maticiens, et le {\guillemotleft}~bon historien~{\guillemotright} par les autres historiens)~?
Pourrait-elle avoir des effets vertueux sur les universit{\'e}s fran{\c c}aises~?Le livre que l{\textquoteright}une d{\textquoteright}entre nous vient de publier apporte de nombreux {\'e}l{\'e}ments de r{\'e}ponse {\`a} ces questions.
{\`A} partir de l{\textquoteright}{\'e}tude empirique du monde acad{\'e}mique am{\'e}ricain, o{\`u} des
commissions scientifiques interdisciplinaires et encadr{\'e}es par un
{\guillemotleft}~program officer~{\guillemotright} attribuent les prestigieuses bourses de recherche
qui jalonnent une carri{\`e}re universitaire r{\'e}ussie,
il met en {\'e}vidence les conditions de possibilit{\'e} d{\textquoteright}un dispositif
d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation semblable {\textendash} par certains aspects {\textendash} {\`a} celui qui est en
train de voir le jour en France. Mais aussi les {\'e}cueils qu{\textquoteright}il devrait
absolument {\'e}viter{\textellipsis}
M{\^e}me en se limitant aux sciences humaines, {\'e}conomiques et sociales, les
conceptions de l{\textquoteright}excellence scientifique et les crit{\`e}res de son
{\'e}valuation divergent nettement d{\textquoteright}une discipline {\`a} l{\textquoteright}autre. La
nouveaut{\'e}, le caract{\`e}re g{\'e}n{\'e}ralisable et la virtuosit{\'e} d{\textquoteright}une recherche
p{\`e}sent diff{\'e}remment et n{\textquoteright}ont pas le m{\^e}me sens selon les domaines~; les
divers modes de validation d{\textquoteright}une connaissance et d{\textquoteright}administration de la
preuve (par d{\'e}duction, par induction ou par interpr{\'e}tation) y sont plus
ou moins bien accept{\'e}s~; et l{\textquoteright}id{\'e}e m{\^e}me de commensurabilit{\'e} au sein
d{\textquoteright}une discipline n{\textquoteright}est pas partag{\'e}e par l{\textquoteright}ensemble de celles-ci. Enfin,
l{\textquoteright}innovation {\textendash} cette mesure utilitariste de la recherche {\`a} l{\textquoteright}aune des
avantages comp{\'e}titifs qu{\textquoteright}elle g{\'e}n{\`e}re sur les march{\'e}s {\textendash} n{\textquoteright}appara{\^\i}t que
marginalement comme une marque de qualit{\'e} scientifique telle que
l{\textquoteright}entendent les chercheurs de ces disciplines.
L{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation ne peut donc s{\textquoteright}exercer au sein de ces commissions
interdisciplinaires qu{\textquoteright}{\`a} travers le respect de plusieurs principes
fondamentaux~: l{\textquoteright}ind{\'e}pendance professionnelle de la recherche, qui se
fixe elle-m{\^e}me ses objectifs~; la reconnaissance de l{\textquoteright}expertise de
chacun dans son domaine de comp{\'e}tence~; la croyance de ceux qui jugent
en la mission de s{\'e}lection m{\'e}ritocratique qui leur est confi{\'e}e. Or, ce
fonctionnement est le fruit d{\textquoteright}une culture acad{\'e}mique relativement
confiante dans ses valeurs partag{\'e}es et consciente des enjeux auxquels
elle fait face, mais aussi de normes coutumi{\`e}res, d{\textquoteright}ajustements
progressifs et d{\textquoteright}apprentissages en situation concernant la fa{\c c}on la
plus efficace et {\'e}quitable d{\textquoteright}interagir au sein des comit{\'e}s.
Par rapport {\`a} une s{\'e}lection automatis{\'e}e par l{\textquoteright}usage seul d{\textquoteright}instruments
comme les d{\'e}comptes bibliom{\'e}triques (qu{\textquoteright}il est ais{\'e} de manipuler~[10]),
la d{\'e}lib{\'e}ration appara{\^\i}t comme un processus d{\'e}cisionnel plus complet et
plus juste, parce qu{\textquoteright}elle conduit {\`a} l{\textquoteright}explicitation, {\`a} la transparence
et {\`a} une pond{\'e}ration r{\'e}fl{\'e}chie des crit{\`e}res utilis{\'e}s. Mais les vertus
du dispositif rel{\`e}vent moins de la configuration de celui-ci que des
bonnes habitudes et des valeurs qu{\textquoteright}y insufflent ceux qui y prennent
part~; or, ces derni{\`e}res ne s{\textquoteright}{\'e}tablissent pas par d{\'e}cret. Ainsi, dans
le contexte am{\'e}ricain, le r{\^o}le manag{\'e}rial des {\guillemotleft}~program officers~{\guillemotright} est
de stimuler le d{\'e}veloppement de m{\'e}canismes institutionnels vertueux, et
de garantir la mise en {\oe}uvre effective de la coll{\'e}gialit{\'e} et d{\textquoteright}une
{\'e}valuation par les pairs qui contrebalancent les in{\'e}vitables
idiosyncrasies de chacun. Il s{\textquoteright}agit donc, malgr{\'e} leur participation {\`a}
la constitution initiale du jury, essentiellement d{\textquoteright}un r{\^o}le de
coordination et non de direction.Bien s{\^u}r, on ne saurait plaider ici pour l{\textquoteright}adoption de
modes d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation qui seraient une copie conforme du cas {\'e}tasunien.
Celui-ci est compos{\'e} de pr{\`e}s de 3000 {\'e}tablissements dispers{\'e}s {\`a} travers
le pays, dont plusieurs centaines d{\textquoteright}universit{\'e}s qui d{\'e}veloppent une
activit{\'e} de recherche plus ou moins intensive . Cette dispersion
accro{\^\i}t le degr{\'e} d{\textquoteright}autonomie, d{\textquoteright}anonymat et de non coordination des
proc{\'e}dures d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation qui se tiennent de part et d{\textquoteright}autre~; tandis
qu{\textquoteright}en France, la taille comparativement limit{\'e}e du monde acad{\'e}mique
rend plus denses et quasiment in{\'e}vitables les liens
d{\textquoteright}interconnaissance. Par ailleurs, au del{\`a} de l{\textquoteright}octroi des bourses
individuelles de recherche dont les modalit{\'e}s sont pr{\'e}sent{\'e}es
ci-dessus, l{\textquoteright}ensemble de la carri{\`e}re d{\textquoteright}un-e universitaire am{\'e}ricain-e
se d{\'e}roule dans un monde {\`a} la fois plus fluide (en termes de mobilit{\'e}
professionnelle)
et hi{\'e}rarchis{\'e} (en termes de classements de valeur) que ce n{\textquoteright}est le cas
en France. Dans ce contexte, des normes instititionnelles partag{\'e}es
(comme l{\textquoteright}interdiction pour un d{\'e}partement de recruter directement ses
propres docteurs ou le poids des avis sollicit{\'e}s aupr{\`e}s d{\textquoteright}experts
ext{\'e}rieurs lors des proc{\'e}dures locales de titularisation), ainsi que
des m{\'e}canismes concurrentiels interindividuels et inter-{\'e}tablissements,
jouent un r{\^o}le central dans la l{\'e}gitimation r{\'e}ciproque du niveau des
uns et des autres.
N{\'e}anmoins, l{\textquoteright}{\'e}tude des pratiques d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation et de gestion des
carri{\`e}res universitaires, telles qu{\textquoteright}elles se d{\'e}roulent
Outre-Atlantique, mettent surtout en {\'e}vidence combien la combinaison
entre une d{\'e}lib{\'e}ration coll{\'e}giale d{\'e}velopp{\'e}e et la croyance en un id{\'e}al
(et une norme) d{\textquoteright}excellence acad{\'e}mique pr{\'e}sentent un caract{\`e}re
auto-r{\'e}alisateur de cette derni{\`e}re, ou cr{\'e}ent du moins une tension
constante dans sa direction. Ce tropisme n{\textquoteright}est pas sans inconv{\'e}nient~:
il suscite souvent un rapport enchant{\'e} {\`a} la r{\'e}ussite (d{\textquoteright}autant plus
marqu{\'e} qu{\textquoteright}il est partag{\'e} aux {\'E}tats-Unis par la majorit{\'e} des autres
secteurs professionnels), une absence de r{\'e}flexivit{\'e} {\`a} propos des
ressorts de la l{\'e}gitimation en milieu acad{\'e}mique, ainsi qu{\textquoteright}une
valorisation de l{\textquoteright}{\'e}quit{\'e} suppos{\'e}e et des {\guillemotleft}~gagnants~{\guillemotright} de la comp{\'e}tition
universitaire, au d{\'e}triment de consid{\'e}rations d{\textquoteright}{\'e}galit{\'e} entre ses
participants. Mais, ce faisant, il emp{\^e}che aussi la diffusion d{\textquoteright}un
scepticisme comme celui que l{\textquoteright}on recueille aupr{\`e}s de nombreux
enseignants-chercheurs fran{\c c}ais, qui nient la possibilit{\'e} m{\^e}me que {\textendash}
dans l{\textquoteright}{\'e}tat actuel des modalit{\'e}s d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation {\textendash} eux-m{\^e}mes ou leurs
coll{\`e}gues (m{\^e}me les plus reconnus) puissent exprimer un jugement
inform{\'e} et d{\'e}sint{\'e}ress{\'e} sur un candidat.
Une
des critiques r{\'e}currentes du syst{\`e}me fran{\c c}ais tel qu{\textquoteright}il existe
aujourd{\textquoteright}hui (particuli{\`e}rement vive {\`a} propos du recrutement des
ma{\^\i}tre-sse-s de conf{\'e}rence) est que la proc{\'e}dure de s{\'e}lection ne se
donne pas pour ce qu{\textquoteright}elle est et qu{\textquoteright}il ne s{\textquoteright}agit pas, comme aux
Etats-Unis, de {\guillemotleft}~jouer le jeu~{\guillemotright} de la m{\'e}ritocratie et de l{\textquoteright}excellence
pour les faire ainsi advenir au mieux. Au contraire, la rapidit{\'e} de la
proc{\'e}dure formelle d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation (2-3 semaines pour examiner plus d{\textquoteright}une
centaine de dossiers et pour lire les publications des auditionn{\'e}s, et
moins d{\textquoteright}une demi-heure consacr{\'e}e {\`a} chaque audition, alors m{\^e}me que l{\textquoteright}on
recrute potentiellement un-e coll{\`e}gue pour les trente-cinq ann{\'e}es {\`a}
venir) am{\`e}ne nombre de commissions de s{\'e}lection {\`a} privil{\'e}gier d{\textquoteright}autres
sources d{\textquoteright}information pouvant confirmer les qualit{\'e}s de chercheur,
informer sur les qualit{\'e}s d{\textquoteright}enseignant, et garantir l{\textquoteright}am{\'e}nit{\'e} de
caract{\`e}re du candidat~; voire {\`a} porter directement leur choix sur
quelqu{\textquoteright}un d{\'e}j{\`a} connu localement, afin d{\textquoteright}{\'e}viter toute mauvaise surprise.
La justice proc{\'e}durale de la s{\'e}lection s{\textquoteright}en trouve alors in{\'e}vitablement
compromise, au point que se d{\'e}veloppe parfois une forme de cynisme {\`a}
l{\textquoteright}{\'e}gard des atteintes qui lui sont port{\'e}es, laquelle augmente {\`a} son
tour le risque de voir se multiplier ces derni{\`e}res{\textellipsis} En la mati{\`e}re,
l{\textquoteright}Universit{\'e} italienne {\textendash} dont les {\'e}tablissements publics sont largement
autonomes depuis 1999 {\textendash} est un contre-mod{\`e}le des plus notoires~: elle
s{\textquoteright}est tellement enfonc{\'e}e (et depuis si longtemps) dans ce cercle
vicieux que la v{\'e}h{\'e}mence avec laquelle son fonctionnement ouvertement
non m{\'e}ritocratique est d{\'e}nonc{\'e} de temps en temps dans l{\textquoteright}espace public
n{\textquoteright}a d{\textquoteright}{\'e}gal que le fatalisme avec lequel ses insiders (et aspirants tels) le reproduisent, et le volume des vagues d{\textquoteright}exil vers l{\textquoteright}{\'e}tranger (notamment en France) qui en r{\'e}sultent.La comparaison avec le cas {\'e}tasunien sugg{\`e}re par
contraste que toute r{\'e}forme du m{\'e}tier et des carri{\`e}res des
enseignants-chercheurs devrait commencer par se demander comment
augmenter l{\textquoteright}investissement des universitaires dans la justice du
syst{\`e}me d{\textquoteright}{\'e}valuation par les pairs, ainsi que leur croyance en la
possibilit{\'e} de celle-ci. Certaines des mesures n{\'e}cessaires {\`a} cet effet
seraient gratuites et {\`a} effet imm{\'e}diat (comme l{\textquoteright}interdiction du
localisme), mais d{\textquoteright}autres devraient consister {\`a} limiter au possible la
p{\'e}nurie de moyens et la surcharge de travail administratif auxquelles
sont confront{\'e}s la grande majorit{\'e} des universitaires fran{\c c}ais. En
effet, la coll{\'e}gialit{\'e} se diffuse certainement d{\textquoteright}autant mieux que les
enseignants-chercheurs d{\textquoteright}un d{\'e}partement y disposent de bureaux et ne
sont pas oblig{\'e}s de rester chez eux pour travailler{\textellipsis} tandis que
l{\textquoteright}organisation d{\textquoteright}auditions longues o{\`u} un candidat multiplierait au
cours d{\textquoteright}une journ{\'e}e les rencontres et les pr{\'e}sentations de son travail
requiert des ressources mat{\'e}rielles destin{\'e}es {\`a} cet effet, et que les
enseignants-chercheurs puissent {\^e}tre lib{\'e}r{\'e}s en {\'e}change d{\textquoteright}un certain
nombre de t{\^a}ches administratives pour lesquelles leur expertise n{\textquoteright}est
pas n{\'e}cessaire.
L{\textquoteright}autonomie et la coll{\'e}gialit{\'e} acad{\'e}mique ne sauraient donc se
confondre avec une forme d{\textquoteright}autogestion o{\`u} les enseignants-chercheurs
doivent assurer la quasi-totalit{\'e} des t{\^a}ches n{\'e}cessaires au
fonctionnement d{\textquoteright}une organisation aussi complexe qu{\textquoteright}une universit{\'e}. La
pr{\'e}sence de personnels de support technique et administratif (dont le
nombre et les comp{\'e}tences pointues sont un atout des universit{\'e}s de
recherche {\'e}tasuniennes souvent sous-estim{\'e}), et d{\textquoteright}un appareil de
gestionnaires ex{\'e}cutifs veillant {\`a} la bonne tenue du budget et
({\'e}ventuellement) du patrimoine de l{\textquoteright}{\'e}tablissement, appara{\^\i}t comme un
pr{\'e}-requis n{\'e}cessaire si l{\textquoteright}on souhaite que la libert{\'e} et l{\textquoteright}ind{\'e}pendance
des enseignants-chercheurs ne soient pas uniquement formelles. Il ne
s{\textquoteright}agit donc pas d{\textquoteright}un paradoxe, mais de souligner que la r{\'e}organisation
{\textendash} n{\'e}cessaire {\textendash} des universit{\'e}s fran{\c c}aises ne pouvait faire l{\textquoteright}{\'e}conomie
d{\textquoteright}un affrontement pour redessiner les p{\'e}rim{\`e}tres de comp{\'e}tence et les
pr{\'e}rogatives de chacun des m{\'e}tiers qui doivent se c{\^o}toyer au sein d{\textquoteright}un
{\'e}tablissement. Plus que de fournir des mod{\`e}les {\`a} imiter ou des
repoussoirs, la comparaison nous montre {\`a} ce propos que les conflits
entre logiques manag{\'e}riales et coll{\'e}giales peuvent se prolonger durant
des ann{\'e}es et sont faits de petits glissements strat{\'e}giques plus que de
grandes victoires {\'e}clatantes (que l{\textquoteright}on pense aux conflits feutr{\'e}s entre
l{\textquoteright}administration et les universitaires de Sciences Po Paris, ou au cas
am{\'e}ricain de la New York University)~;
ils peuvent contribuer {\`a} reproduire voire renforcer des f{\'e}odalit{\'e}s
ant{\'e}rieures (comme c{\textquoteright}est trop souvent le cas en Italie), ou d{\'e}boucher {\`a}
l{\textquoteright}inverse sur la disparition de d{\'e}partements de recherche entiers sous
l{\textquoteright}effet du New Public Management (comme ce fut le cas au Royaume-Uni
durant les ann{\'e}es 1980 et 1990).
En France, la sauvegarde de la coll{\'e}gialit{\'e} appara{\^\i}t d{\textquoteright}autant plus
difficile que les universit{\'e}s occupent une position structurellement et
conjoncturellement faible au sein de la soci{\'e}t{\'e}~: secondes aux classes
pr{\'e}paratoires et aux Grandes {\'E}coles en termes de prestige de la
formation (et sous-financ{\'e}es par rapport {\`a} celles-ci), elles voient
d{\'e}sormais leur activit{\'e} de recherche sous-estim{\'e}e par les indicateurs
internationaux, et font face {\`a} un gouvernement qui envisage l{\textquoteright}autonomie
des {\'e}tablissements essentiellement dans ses dimensions directoriales
(avec un pr{\'e}sident d{\textquoteright}universit{\'e} qui en serait aussi une sorte de
directeur g{\'e}n{\'e}ral) et gestionnaires (afin de diminuer ult{\'e}rieurement, {\`a}
terme, l{\textquoteright}engagement de l{\textquoteright}{\'E}tat dans cette branche de l{\textquoteright}{\'e}ducation
sup{\'e}rieure). Portant, apr{\`e}s la promulgation (probable) de tous les
d{\'e}crets d{\textquoteright}application de la loi LRU, ce sera aux enseignants-chercheurs
de chaque universit{\'e} {\guillemotleft}~autonome~{\guillemotright} de s{\textquoteright}organiser {\textendash} et d{\textquoteright}organiser les
diff{\'e}rents conseils et comit{\'e}s d{\textquoteright}{\'e}tablissement {\textendash} pour se donner les
moyens de sauvegarder et d{\textquoteright}am{\'e}liorer la coll{\'e}gialit{\'e} face aux risques
de d{\'e}rives manag{\'e}riales, client{\'e}listes et/ou autocratiques. Le conflit,
ainsi {\'e}parpill{\'e} au niveau local, sera peut-{\^e}tre moins spectaculaire,
mais il est loin d{\textquoteright}{\^e}tre termin{\'e}.},
	author = {Lamont, Mich{\`e}le and Cousin, Bruno}
}
@article {67421,
	title = {How Environmentalists "Greened" Trade Policy: Strategic Action and the Architecture of Field Overlap},
	journal = {American Sociological Review},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Dec 1, 2008},
	publisher = {American Sociological Review},
	abstract = {This article examines why and how environmental activists, despite considerable
political weakness and disproportionally few resources, won substantive negotiating
concessions that far outstripped labor achievements during NAFTA{\textquoteright}s negotiation.
Despite a trade policy arena hostile to their demands, environmentalists gained official
recognition for the legitimacy of their claims, obtained a seat at the negotiating table,
turned a previously technocratic concern into a highly visible populist issue, and won an
environmental side agreement stronger than its labor counterpart. We argue that this
unexpected outcome is best explained by environmentalists{\textquoteright} strategic use of mechanisms
available at the intersection of multiple fields. While field theory mainly focuses on
interactions within a particular field, we suggest that the structure of overlap between
fields{\textemdash}the architecture of field overlap{\textemdash}creates unique points of leverage that render
particular targets more vulnerable and certain strategies more effective for activists. We
outline the mechanisms associated with the structure of field overlap{\textemdash}alliance
brokerage, rulemaking, resource brokerage, and frame adaptation{\textemdash}that enable activists
to strategically leverage advantages across fields to transform the political landscape.},
	url = {http://asr.sagepub.com/content/vol73/issue6/},
	author = {Kay, Tamara and Evans, Rhonda}
}
@article {67311,
	title = {Does Landholding Inequality Block Democratization? A Test of the {\textquoteright}Bread and Democracy{\textquoteright} Thesis and the Case of Prussia?},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Does landholding inequality block democratization? This classic
question in the study of political regimes concerned Alexis de Tocqueville,
Max Weber, and Alexander Gerschenkron. It is also a question
that has recently attracted the attention of leading {\textquotedblleft}new structural{\textquotedblright}
political economists interested in the sources of regime change. Echoing
Gerschenkron{\textquoteright}s evocatively titled Bread and Democracy in Germany, these scholars have returned to the question of how preindustrial patterns
of inequality{\textemdash}namely, landholding inequality{\textemdash}might exert an
enduring and underappreciated effect on the chances for democratic
transitions.3 The new literature utilizes the most advanced tools of political
economy to examine historical and contemporary cases of democratization,
generating competing accounts of how the preexisting
distribution and mobility of economic resources affect regime change.},
	author = {Daniel Ziblatt}
}
@article {67261,
	title = {Democratization, Women{\textquoteright}s Movements, and Gender-Equitable States: A Framework for Comparison},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Aug 1, 2008},
	abstract = {There is a rich collection of case studies examining the relationship between
democratization, women{\textquoteright}s movements, and gendered state outcomes, but the variation
across cases is still poorly understood. In response, this article develops a theoretically-grounded
comparative framework to evaluate and explain cross-national variations in
the gendered outcomes of democratic transitions. The framework highlights four
theoretical factors{\textemdash}the context of the transition, the legacy of women{\textquoteright}s previous
mobilizations, political parties, and international influences{\textemdash}that together shape the
political openings and ideologies available to women{\textquoteright}s movements in transitional states.
Applying the framework to four test cases, we conclude that women{\textquoteright}s movements are
most effective at targeting democratizing states when transitions are complete, when
women{\textquoteright}s movements develop cohesive coalitions, when the ideology behind the transition
(rather than the ideology of the winning regime) aligns easily with feminist frames, and
when women{\textquoteright}s past activism legitimates present-day feminist demands. These findings
challenge current conceptualizations of how democratic transitions affect gender in state
institutions and provide a comparative framework for evaluating variation across
additional cases.},
	author = {Viterna, Jocelyn}
}
@article {67266,
	title = {How Development Matters: A Research Note on the Relationship between Development, Democracy and Women{\textquoteright}s Political Representation},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jun 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Most studies find that the substantial cross-national variation in women{\textquoteright}s legislative representation is not explained by cross-national differences in socioeconomic development. By contrast, this note demonstrates that economic  development does matter. Rather than looking for across-the-board general effects, we follow Matland (1998), and analyze developed and developing nations  separately. We find that accepted explanations fit rich nations better than poor nations, and obscure the effects of democracy on women{\textquoteright}s representation in the developing world. We call for new theoretical models that better explain women{\textquoteright}s political representation within developing nations, and we suggest that democracy should be central to future models.},
	author = {Viterna, Jocelyn and Fallon, Kathleen M. and Beckfield, Jason}
}
@article {67286,
	title = {Negotiating a Principled Peace Based on Historic Compromise},
	journal = {Israel Horizons},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Aug 1, 2008},
	publisher = {Meretz USA},
	abstract = {There are good reasons to be skeptical{\textemdash}even cynical{\textemdash}about the outcome of the Annapolis Conference and pessimistic about the prospects of achieving a negotiated agreement by the end of this year. Yet, granting the vagueness of the commitments made in Annapolis and the discouraging effect of subsequent actions on the ground that have undermined the peace process, the conference has opened up the best opportunity since the failure of the Camp David summit for a return to a serious negotiation of a final agreement on a two-state solution. I saw such an opportunity, for example, in a February statement by Haim Ramon that Israel hoped to reach agreement with its Palestinian negotiating partners by the end of 2008 on a \&quot;declaration of principles\&quot; for peace, but not on a detailed peace treaty.},
	url = {http://www.meretzusa.org/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {66961,
	title = {Global Action on Health Systems: A Proposal for the Toyako G8 Summit},
	journal = {The Lancet},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2008},
	publisher = {The Lancet},
	abstract = {The G8 summit in Toyako offers Japan, as the host government, a special opportunity to influence collective action on global health. At the last G8 summit held in Japan, the Japanese government launched an effort to address critical infectious diseases, from which a series of disease-specific programmes emerged. This year{\textquoteright}s summit provides another chance to catalyse global action on health, this time with a focus on health systems.

Global efforts to improve health conditions in poor countries have embraced two different strategies in recent decades, one focusing on health systems, the other on specific diseases. The interactions of these two strategies have shaped where we stand today.},
	url = {http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(08)60384-0/fulltext},
	author = {Reich, Michael R. and Takemi, Keizo and Roberts, Marc J. and Hsiao, William}
}
@article {66971,
	title = {Medicines in Mexico, 1990-2004: Systematic Review of Research on Access and Use},
	journal = {Salud P{\'u}blica de M{\'e}xico},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 18, 2008},
	publisher = {Salud P{\'u}blica de M{\'e}xico},
	abstract = {Objective. To review original research studies published
between 1990 and 2004 on the access and use of medicines in
Mexico to assess the knowledge base for reforming Mexico{\textquoteright}s
pharmaceutical policy. Material and Methods. A literature
review using electronic databases was conducted of original
studies published in the last 15 years about access and use
of medicines in Mexico. In addition, a manual search of six
relevant journals was performed. Excluded were publications
on herbal, complementary and alternative medicines. Results.Were identified 108 original articles as being relevant,
out of 2 289 titles reviewed, highlighting four policy-related
problems: irrational prescribing, harmful self-medication, inequitable
access, and frequent drug stock shortage in public
health centers. Conclusions. This review identified two
priorities for Mexico{\textquoteright}s pharmaceutical policy and strategies:
tackling the irrational use of medicines and the inadequate
access of medicines. These are critical priorities for a new
national pharmaceutical policy.},
	url = {http://www.scielosp.org/scielo.php?pid=0036-3634\&script=sci_serial},
	author = {Reich, Michael R. and Wirtz, Veronika J. and Leyva Flores, Ren{\'e} and Dreser, Anah{\'\i}}
}
@article {66976,
	title = {Orphan Drug Legislation: Lessons for Neglected Tropical Diseases},
	journal = {Wiley InterScience},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 24, 2008},
	publisher = {Wiley InterScience},
	abstract = {In the last 20 years, orphan drug legislation (ODL) has been adopted in several countries
around the world (USA, Japan, Australia, and the European Union) and has successfully
promoted R\&D investments to develop new pharmaceutical products for the treatment of rare
diseases. Without these incentives, many life-saving new drugs would have not been
developed and produced.For economic reasons, the development of medicines for the treatment of diseases prevalent
in the developing world (or tropical diseases) is lagging behind. Among several factors, the
low average per-capita income makes pharmaceutical markets in developing countries appear
relatively unprofitable and therefore unattractive for R\&D-oriented companies.The case of ODL may offer some useful insights and perspectives for the fight against
neglected tropical diseases. First, the measures used in ODL may also be effective in boosting
R\&D for neglected tropical diseases, if appropriately adapted to this market. Second,
small-sized companies, which have played a successful role in the development of orphan
drugs for rare diseases, may also represent a good business strategy for the case of tropical
diseases.},
	url = {http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/journal/118724800/abstract},
	author = {Reich, Michael R. and Villa, Stefano and Compagni, Amelia}
}
@article {66951,
	title = {Social Capital and Migration: How Do Similar Resources Lead to Divergent Outcomes?},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Aug 1, 2008},
	abstract = {This article investigates how migrant social capital differentially influences individuals{\textquoteright} migration and cumulatively generates divergent outcomes for communities. To combine the fragmented findings in the literature, the article proposes a framework that decomposes migrant social capital into resources (information about or assistance with migration), sources (prior migrants), and recipients (potential migrants). Analysis of multilevel and longitudinal data from 22 rural villages in Thailand shows that the probability of internal migration increases with the available resources, yet the magnitude of increase depends on recipients{\textquoteright} characteristics and the strength of their ties to sources. Specifically, individuals become more likely to migrate if migrant social capital resources are greater and more accessible. The diversity of resources by occupation increases the likelihood of migration, while diversity by destination inhibits it. Resources from weakly tied sources, such as village members, have a higher effect on migration than resources from strongly tied sources in the household. Finally, the importance of resources for migration declines with recipients{\textquoteright} own migration experience. These findings challenge the mainstream account of migrant social capital as a uniform resource that generates similar migration outcomes for different groups of individuals or in different settings. In Nang Rong villages, depending on the configuration of resources, sources, and recipients, migrant social capital leads to differential migration outcomes for individuals and divergent cumulative migration patterns in communities.},
	author = {Garip, Filiz}
}
@article {66706,
	title = {Can Civil Law Countries Get Good Institutions? Lessons from the History of Creditor Rights and Bond Markets in Brazil},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Does a legal tradition adopted in the distant past constrain a country{\textquoteright}s ability to provide the protection that investors
need for financial markets to develop? This paper contributes to the literature that studies the connection between
law and finance by looking at the relationship between legal origin and the development of bond markets. The paper
shows that there is too much variation over time in terms of bond market size, creditor protections, and court
enforcement of bond contracts to assume that the adoption of a legal system can constrain future financial
development. The paper examines in detail the evolution of bond markets in Brazil, a French civil law country, and
provides preliminary results of similar variation for a small cross-section of countries.},
	author = {Musacchio, Aldo}
}
@article {66621,
	title = {Popular Attitudes toward Distributive Injustice: Beijing and Warsaw Compared},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Popular reactions to the transition from centrally planned socialism to a market-based economy are explored through an examination of survey data on distributive justice and injustice attitudes in Beijing, China, in 2000, and in Warsaw, Poland, in 2001. In both capitals objective socioeconomic status characteristics of respondents have weaker and less consistent associations with distributive injustice attitudes than measures of subjective social status and self-reported trends in family standards of living. When objective and subjective respondent background characteristics are controlled for statistically, residents of democratic and enthusiastically capitalist Warsaw have stronger feelings of distributive injustice than respondents in undemocratic and only partially reformed Beijing. However, one exception to this pattern is that Beijing residents favor government redistribution to reduce income differences more than their Warsaw counterparts. Conjectures about the sources of these differences in distributive injustice attitudes are offered.},
	author = {Whyte, Martin K.}
}
@article {66571,
	title = {Mexican Exceptionalism: Globalization and De-Industrialization, 1750{\textendash}1877},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Sep 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Like the rest of the poor periphery, Mexico fought with de-industrialization in
the century before the 1870s. Yet, Mexican manufacturing defended itself better
than did the rest of the poor periphery. Why Mexican exceptionalism? This article
decomposes the sources of de-industrialization into productivity events
abroad, globalization forces connecting Mexico to those markets, and domestic
forces. It uses a neo-Ricardian model to implement the decomposition, advocates
a price dual approach, and develops a new price and wage data base.
Mexican exceptionalism was due to weaker Dutch disease effects, better wage
competitiveness, and the policy autonomy to foster industry.},
	author = {Williamson, Jeffery G. and Dobado Gonzalez, Rafael and Gomez Galvarriato, Aurora}
}
@article {66461,
	title = {Second-Best Institutions},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {May 1, 2008},
	abstract = {The focus of reforms in the developing world has moved from getting prices right to getting institutions right. This reflects the recognition that markets are unlikely to work well in the absence of a predictable and legitimate set of rules that support economic activity and dispense its fruits. \&quot;Governance reforms\&quot; have become the buzzword for bilateral donors and multilateral institutions, in much the same way that liberalization, privatization and stabilization were the mantras of the 1980s. But what kind of institutions should reformers strive to build? It is easier to list the functions that good institutions perform than it is to describe the shape they should take. Desirable institutions provide security of property rights, enforce contracts, stimulate entrepreneurship, foster integration in the world economy, maintain macroeconomic stability, manage risk-taking by financial intermediaries, supply social insurance and safety nets, and enhance voice and accountability. But as the variety of institutional forms that prevail in the advanced countries themselves suggests (Richard Freeman 2000, Peter Hall and David Soskice 2001), each one of these ends can be achieved in a large number of different ways (Dani Rodrik 2007).},
	author = {Rodrik, Dani}
}
@article {66421,
	title = {Outside Funding and the Dynamics of Participation in Community Associations},
	journal = {American Journal of Political Science},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 1, 2008},
	publisher = {American Journal of Political Science},
	abstract = {The poor and disadvantaged are widely seen as having weak organizations and low rates of participation in community
associations, impeding their political representation and economic advancement. Many policy initiatives aim to build civic
participation among the disadvantaged by funding local community associations. Taking advantage of random assignment
in a program supporting women{\textquoteright}s community associations in Kenya, we find little evidence that outside funding expanded
organizational strength, but substantial evidence that funding changed group membership and leadership, weakening the
role of the disadvantaged. The program led younger, more educated, and better-off women to enter the groups.New entrants,
men, and more educated women assumed leadership positions. The departure of older women, the most socially marginalized
demographic group, increased substantially. The results are generalized through a formal model showing how democratic
decision making by existing members of community associations can generate long-run outcomes in which the poor and
disadvantaged either do not belong to any associations or belong to weak organizations.},
	url = {http://www.ajps.org/},
	author = {Michael Kremer and Gugerty, Mary Kay}
}
@article {66076,
	title = {Reconciliation from a social-psychological perspective},
	journal = {Oxford University Press},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 10, 2008},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	abstract = {Until recently, the term \&quot;reconciliation\&quot; was used primarily (although with some notable exceptions) in religious discourse. It was not often subjected to systematic analysis by political scientists or social psychologists. The dramatic political change in South Africa in 1994, soon followed by the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, as well as a number of related efforts in other, postconflict zones, can probably serve as a marker for the shift in attention to the concept of reconciliation among social scientists.},
	url = {http://www.oup.com/uk/catalogue/?ci=9780195300314},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {65376,
	title = {Clarence N. Stone and the Study of Urban Politics},
	year = {2008},
	month = {Apr 26, 2008},
	abstract = {Among political scientists, the study of urban politics, whether within one nation or cross nationally, resembles the comparative study of national politics{\textemdash}with one crucial exception. In both the urban field and the comparative field, scholars typically come to know one or several localities very well... Clarence Stone is in the latter camp, with disturbingly few peers in political science scholarship on urban politics. He is deeply knowledgeable about Atlanta, Georgia, having studied its political development for decades. He is familiar with a dozen other American cities, having studied their educational reform efforts for years.With coauthors or independently, he has developed broad theoretical frameworks{\textemdash}regime analysis, the {\textquotedblleft}power to{\textquotedblright} approach, the systemic bias of power and inequality, the centrality of agenda setting and coordination, the urgent need for democratic decision making{\textemdash}that explain actions and outcomes not only in his cities but in many others as well. All of this work is undergirded by a few simple, clear principles about human nature and the conduct of social science that are easy to state and surprisingly fecund.},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L.}
}
@article {66536,
	title = {The Dual World Polity: Fragmentation and Integration in the Network of Intergovernmental Organizations},
	year = {2008},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 1, 2008},
	abstract = {A growing body of research demonstrates powerful effects of international organizations on national policy, and the literature on international conflict is increasingly adopting a network perspective on international organizations, but we still know little about the network structure of the world polity itself. This is surprising in light of the theoretical implications of world polity theory, world systems theory, and the world civilizations approach to the structure of the world polity. Using data on a set of prominent intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), along with a comparison to the complete population of IGOs, this study examines the world polity as a network structured by symbolic and material conflict. Network analysis reveals a contradictory duality in the structure of the world polity: while states are densely interconnected through international organizations, these international organizations are only sparsely interconnected. Contrary to world polity theory, world system position and world civilization predict position in the world polity. These results show that, in neglecting the network structure of the world polity, previous research has underestimated the extent of structural inequality in the world polity. Because embeddedness in the world polity has such powerful effects on state policies, international trade, and international conflict, the centralization and fragmentation of the world polity may have disintegrative implications for world politics.},
	author = {Beckfield, Jason}
}
@article {66081,
	title = {Evaluating the contributions of interactive problem solving to the resolution of ethnonational conflicts},
	journal = {Routledge},
	year = {2008},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2008},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	abstract = {Interactive problem solving is a form of unofficial diplomacy, centering on problem-solving workshops and related activities with political elites in conflicting societies. Its dual purpose is producing changes in individual participants that are transferred to the policy process. The most relevant criterion for evaluating the effectiveness of interactive problem solving is its contribution to changes in the political cultures of the parties that would make them more receptive to negotiation. The article describes the difficulties in evaluating such changes in political culture, because of the inapplicability of the standard experimental model of evaluation and the ethical and methodological obstacles to the use of procedures that may interfere with the practice of conflict resolution. It then presents two models of evaluation research, based on gradual accumulation of evidence in support of the assumptions of interactive problem solving: the "links-in-the-chain" model, testing by appropriate means each of the steps in the logic of the approach; and the experimental model, using a variety of settings for empirical tests of the assumptions of the approach.},
	url = {http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals/titles/1078-1919.asp},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {66666,
	title = {Partisan Politics, the Welfare State, and Three Worlds of Human Capital Formation},
	year = {2008},
	month = {Apr 1, 2008},
	abstract = {The authors propose a synthesis of power resources theory and welfare production regime theory to explain differences in human capital formation across advanced democracies. Emphasizing the mutually reinforcing relationships between social insurance, skill formation, and spending on public education, they distinguish three distinct worlds of human capital formation: one characterized by redistribution and heavy investment in public education and industry-specific and occupation-specific vocational skills; one characterized by high social insurance and vocational training in firm-specific and industry-specific skills but less spending on public education; and one characterized by heavy private investment in general skills but modest spending on public education and redistribution. They trace the three worlds to historical differences in the organization of capitalism, electoral institutions, and partisan politics, emphasizing the distinct character of political coalition formation underpinning each of the three models. They also discuss the implications for inequality and labor market stratification across time and space.},
	author = {Iversen, Torben and Stephens, John D.}
}
@article {66561,
	title = {The Politics of Common Knowledge: Ideas and Institutional Change in Wage Bargaining},
	year = {2008},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Domestic economic institutions change through processes of conflict and bargaining+ Why do the strongest groups in such conflicts ever change their minds about the acceptability of institutional arrangements they once opposed? Drawing on the cases of Ireland in 1986{\textendash}87 and Italy in 1989{\textendash}93, this article demonstrates how the process of common knowledge creation between employers and unions changed the course of negotiations over national wage bargaining institutions+ Common knowledge creation happens when existing institutions are in crisis+ The institutional experimentation that follows such crises, characterized by deep uncertainty, places a premium on persuasive argument+ The ideas most likely to serve as the basis for newly common knowledge will have analytical and distributive appeal to both unions and employers, and they must be ratified in public agreements, which I call common knowledge events. Common knowledge events establish new social facts, which can change the payoffs associated with different institutional outcomes. This can lead even powerful actors to accept institutions they had previously opposed.},
	author = {Culpepper, Pepper}
}
@article {66846,
	title = {Racial Reorganization and the United States Census 1850-1930: Mulattoes, Half-Breeds, Mixed Parentage, Hindoos, and the Mexican},
	journal = {Studies in American Political Development},
	year = {2008},
	note = {This paper was originally: Hochschild, Jennifer L., and Brenna M. Powell. "Racial Reorganization and the United States Census 1850-1930: Mulattoes, Half-Breeds, Mixed Parentage, Hindoos, and the Mexican." Working Paper 2007-28, Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 2007.},
	month = {May 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Between 1850 and 1930, demographic upheaval in the United States was connected to reorganization of the racial order. Socially and politically recognized boundaries between groups shifted, new groups emerged, others disappeared, and notions of who belonged in which category changed. All recognized racial groups{\textemdash}blacks, whites, Indians, Asians, Mexicans and others{\textemdash}were affected. This article investigates how and why census racial classification policies changed during this period, only to stabilize abruptly before World War II. In the context of demographic transformations and their political consequences, we find that census policy in any given year was driven by a combination of scientific, political, and ideological motivations.Based on this analysis, we rethink existing theoretical approaches to censuses and racial classification, arguing that a nation{\textquoteright}s census is deeply implicated in and helps to construct its social and political order. Censuses provide the concepts, taxonomy, and substantive information by which a nation understands its component parts as well as the contours of the whole; censuses both create the image and provide the mirror of that image for a nation{\textquoteright}s self-reflection. We conclude by outlining the meaning of this period in American history for current and future debates over race and classification.},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L. and Powell, Brenna M.}
}
@article {66671,
	title = {Work and Power: The Connection Between Female Labor Force Participation and Female Political Representation},
	year = {2008},
	month = {Jun 1, 2008},
	abstract = {Low levels of female labor force participation contribute to female underrepresentation in democratic polities, both by reinforcing traditional voter attitudes toward women (a demand-side feature) and by constraining the supply of women with professional experience and resources who are capable of mounting credible electoral campaigns. Female labor force participation, however, is only part of the story. Comparative analysis suggests that electoral systems have a strong, systematic effect on the extent to which women{\textquoteright}s workforce participation boosts female political representation. In candidatecentered political systems, where seniority is an important factor in legislative effectiveness, career interruptions for the sake of childcare and other family work hurts female aspiring politicians more seriously than in proportional representation (PR) systems, where political parties control the policy platform and constituency service is a minor consideration in the careers of candidates. In countries with mixed electoral systems, women do better in seats elected by PR than by single-member plurality. Within countries, women are more likely to get elected to offices characterized by shorter tenure and higher average levels of turnover.},
	author = {Iversen, Torben and Rosenbluth, Frances}
}
@article {762006,
	title = {Racial authenticity among second generation youth in multiethnic New York and London},
	journal = {Poetics: Journal of Empirical Research on Culture, the Media, and the Arts},
	volume = {35},
	number = {6},
	year = {2007},
	pages = {388-408},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0304422X07000368},
	author = {N. Warikoo}
}
@article {761481,
	title = {RELATIONSHIP-SPECIFICITY, INCOMPLETE CONTRACTS, AND THE PATTERN OF TRADE},
	journal = {QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS},
	year = {2007},
	url = {http://scholar.harvard.edu/files/nunn/files/contracts_trade_qje.pdf},
	author = {Nunn, Nathan}
}
@article {66896,
	title = {Gender in Transition: Common Sense, Women, and War},
	journal = {Journal of Human Rights},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 2007},
	publisher = {Journal of Human Rights},
	abstract = {On August 28, 2003, the Commissioners of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission
(PTRC) submitted their Final Report to President Alejandro Toledo and the
nation, thus joining the growing list of countries that have implemented truth commissions
as a means of transitioning from a period of armed conflict and authoritarian rule
towards the founding of a procedural democracy. The PTRC shared several features
with the Guatemalan and South African commissions that preceded it. All three commissions
were considered "gender sensitive" because they actively sought out women{\textquoteright}s
experiences of violence. This focus reflected the desire to write more "inclusive truths,"
as well as changes in international jurisprudence. In this paper, the author draws upon
research she has conducted since 1995 in Peru to explore the commissioning of truth
and some implications in terms of women and war. She examines what constitutes "gender
sensitive" research strategies, as well as the ways in which truth commissions have
incorporated these strategies into their work. Truth and memory are indeed gendered,
but not in any common-sensical way. Thus the author hopes to offer a more nuanced
understanding of the gendered dimensions of war.},
	url = {http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=g788341314~db=all~tab=toc~order=page},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {66931,
	title = {G{\'e}nero en transici{\'o}n: sentido com{\'u}n, mujeres y guerra},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 20, 2007},
	abstract = {Este art{\'\i}culo explora algunos testimonios surgidos en las comisiones de verdad en el Per{\'u} y sus implicaciones
en relaci{\'o}n con las mujeres y la guerra. Examina lo que constituye las estrategias de investigaci{\'o}n \&quot;sensibles al g{\'e}nero\&quot;, como tambi{\'e}n los modos en los cuales las comisiones de verdad han incorporado estas estrategias dentro de su trabajo. Verdad y memoria son categor{\'\i}as que, de hecho, est{\'a}n atravesadas por el g{\'e}nero, pero no necesariamente en los modos en los que plantea el sentido com{\'u}n. Por lo tanto, el texto espera ofrecer una comprensi{\'o}n m{\'a}s sutil de las dimensiones asociadas al g{\'e}nero presentes en la guerra.},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {66926,
	title = {Truth with Consequences: Justice and Reparations in Post-Truth Commission Peru},
	journal = {Human Rights Quarterly},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 1, 2007},
	publisher = {Human Rights Quarterly},
	abstract = {Truth commissions have become key mechanisms in transitional justice
schemes in post conflict societies in order to assure transitions to peace,
the rule of law, and respect for human rights. However, few studies examine
what must happen to ensure that the transition process initiated by a
truth commission successfully continues after the commission concludes
its truth-gathering work and submits its final report. This article argues that while attention often focuses on prosecutions and institutional reforms,
reparations also play a critical role. The authors share their observations
of how government agencies, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),
civil society sectors and victim-survivor{\textquoteright}s associations struggle over reparations
in post truth commission Peru, offering a preliminary analysis of key
theoretical suppositions about transitional justice: they explore whether
the act of telling the truth to an official body is something that helps or
hinders a victim-survivor in his or her own recovery process, and whether
in giving testimonies victim-survivors place particular demands upon the
state. The authors conclude that while testimony giving may possibly have
temporary cathartic effects, it must be followed by concrete actions. Truth
tellers make an implicit contract with their interlocutors to respond through
acknowledgment and redress.},
	url = {http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/human_rights_quarterly/v029/29.1laplante.html},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S. and Laplante, Lisa J.}
}
@article {66886,
	title = {Transitional Subjects: The Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration of Former Combatants in Colombia},
	journal = {The International Journal of Transitional Justice},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2007},
	publisher = {The International Journal of Transitional Justice},
	abstract = {A key component of peace processes and postconflict reconstruction is the disarmament,
demobilization and reintegration (DDR) of ex-combatants. DDR programs imply multiple
transitions: from the combatants who lay down their weapons, to the governments that
seek an end to armed conflict, to the communities that receive {\textendash} or reject {\textendash} these demobilized
fighters. At each level, these transitions imply a complex and dynamic equation
between the demands of peace and the clamor for justice. And yet, traditional approaches
to DDR have focused almost exclusively on military and security objectives, which in
turn has resulted in these programs being developed in relative isolation from the growing field of transitional justice and its concerns with historical clarification, justice, reparations and reconciliation. The author draws upon research in Colombia, a case of great
interest because the government is attempting to implement mechanisms of reparations
and reconciliation in a "pre-postconflict" context, and to implement DDR on the terrain of
transitional justice.},
	url = {http://ijtj.oxfordjournals.org/content/vol1/issue1/},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {66711,
	title = {Bankers, Industrialists, and their Cliques: Elite Networks in Mexico and Brazil during Early Industrialization},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Dec 1, 2007},
	abstract = {The historiographies of Mexico and Brazil have implicitly stated
that business networks were crucial for the initial industrialization of
these two countries. Recently, differing visions on the importance of
business networks have arisen. In the case of Mexico, the literature
argues that entrepreneurs relied heavily on an informal institutional
structure to obtain necessary resources and information. In contrast,
the recent historiography of Brazil suggests that after 1890
the network of corporate relations became less important for
entrepreneurs trying to obtain capital and concessions, once the
institutions promoted financial markets and easy entry for new
businesses. Did entrepreneurs in Brazil and Mexico organize their networks differently to deal with the different institutional settings?
We examine whether in Mexico businessmen relied more on
networks of interlocking boards of directors and other informal
arrangements to do business than in Brazil. Our hypothesis
is confirmed by three related results: (1) the total number of
connections (i.e., the density of the network) was higher in Mexico
than Brazil; (2) in Mexico, there was one dense core network,
while in Brazil we find fairly dispersed clusters of corporate board
interlocks; and most importantly, (3) politicians played a more
important role in the Mexican network of corporate directors
than their counterparts in Brazil. Interestingly, even though Brazil
and Mexico relied on very different institutional structures, both
countries had similar rates of growth between 1890 and 1913.
However, the dense and exclusive Mexican network might have
ended up increasing the social and political tensions that led to the
Mexican Revolution (1910{\textendash}1920).},
	author = {Musacchio, Aldo and Read, Ian}
}
@article {66626,
	title = {The Dilemma of Neutrality},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 2, 2007},
	abstract = {This paper focuses on the dilemma that humanitarian non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) face in their efforts to gain access to populations
caught up in current wars. Narrow and broad concepts of humanitarian protection
are discussed and it is argued that despite high levels of professionalism,
the space for humanitarian action has constricted sharply since the events
surrounding the attacks of 11 September 2001. Increasingly, aid workers are
now being viewed with suspicion as agents of the great powers and assertions
of humanitarian neutrality are not heeded or rejected. Non-governmental
organizations have evolved a range of options to address this problem, but there is an urgent need to work collectively to find more durable and coherent solutions.},
	author = {Leaning, Jennifer}
}
@article {66496,
	title = {The Myth of the Borderless World: Refugees and Repatriation Policy},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jun 25, 2007},
	abstract = {This essay explores the impact of the end of the Cold War on the counter-refugee-crisis
policies of the United Nations and its strongest member states. I argue that during the ColdWar, state interests were subordinated to the refugee interests for two reasons. First, refugees were fewin number and tended to be educated, skilled, and informed (valuable). Second, the WWII experience of the Holocaust in Europe led to the institutionalization
of concern for the fate of persecuted groups at the expense of state interests. After the
end of the Cold War, however, a number of the Soviet Union{\textquoteright}s allies and successor
states began to fail, and these state failures, combined with unprecedented access to
information about living conditions abroad, led to refugee flows that impacted powerful
states. Whereas the preferred counter-refugee crisis policy during the Cold War was
resettlement, after the Cold War it shifted to repatriation: voluntary repatriation in
the best cases, and forced repatriation in the worst. The essay{\textquoteright}s primary focus is an
assessment of the consequences of this policy shift from resettlement to repatriation
of refugees. After introducing a number of important empirical findings regarding the
frequency and scale of contemporary refugee crises, I conclude that although in some
cases the policy of supporting voluntary repatriation is a good thing, it may have the
unintended consequence of involuntary or forced repatriations as receiving states feel
little compulsion to resettle these refugees within their borders.},
	author = {Toft, Monica Duffy}
}
@article {66501,
	title = {Population Shifts and Civil War: A Test of Power Transition Theory},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 1, 2007},
	abstract = {Do shifts in the distribution of ethnic group populations within a multinational state make civil war more likely? This article tests the proposition that they do using the competing logic of two core theories of interstate politics: power transition (PTT) and balance of power theory (BPT). The universe of potential population transition types are reduced to nine, and the logic of each of the competing explanations of war likelihood are reduced to four testable hypotheses. Overall, PTT fares better than BPT; although the article concludes that, as is the case at the interstate level, the key determinate of war likelihood rests more with how power is perceived than with raw changes in its distribution across the spectrum of meaningful political actors. Finally, the article offers a useful framework for further specifying the conditions under which population shifts alter the likelihood of an escalation to civil war.},
	author = {Toft, Monica Duffy}
}
@article {66466,
	title = {How to Save Globalization from its Cheerleaders},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Sep 1, 2007},
	abstract = {When future economic historians write their textbooks, they will no
doubt marvel at the miraculous turn the world economy took after 1950.
Over the long stretch of history, neither the Industrial Revolution nor the
subsequent economic catch-up of the United States and other {\textquotedblleft}western
offshoots{\textquotedblright} looks as impressive (Figure 1). The period since 1950 has
witnessed more rapid economic growth than any other period before,
with only the classical gold standard era between 1870 and 1913 coming
close. Even more striking, there has been a quantum jump in the growth
rate of the most rapidly growing countries since 1950. Prior to 1950,
growth superstars experienced growth rates that barely surpassed 2
percent per annum (in per capita terms) over long stretches. Compare
this with the post-1950 growth champions: Japan, South Korea, and
China; each grew at 6-8 percent per annum during 1950-73, 1973-90,
and 1990-2005, respectively. Even allowing for the shorter time slices,
this indicates that the world economy became a much more enabling
environment for economic growth after 1950. Clearly, the architects of
this new world economic system got something right.},
	author = {Rodrik, Dani}
}
@article {66471,
	title = {What You Export Matters},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2007},
	abstract = {When local cost discovery generates knowledge spillovers, specialization
patterns become partly indeterminate and the mix of goods that a country produces
may have important implications for economic growth. We demonstrate this proposition
formally and adduce some empirical support for it. We construct an index of
the \&quot;income level of a country{\textquoteright}s exports,\&quot; document its properties, and show that it
predicts subsequent economic growth.},
	author = {Rodrik, Dani and Hausmann, Ricardo and Hwang, Jason}
}
@article {66096,
	title = {The Israeli-Palestinian peace process and its vicissitudes: Insights from attitude theory},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {May 1, 2007},
	abstract = {The vicissitudes of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process since 1967 are analyzed using attitudes and related concepts
where relevant. The 1967 war returned the two peoples{\textquoteright} zero-sum conflict around national identity to its origin as a conflict within the land both peoples claim. Gradually, new attitudes evolved regarding the necessity and possibility of negotiations toward a two-state solution based on mutual recognition, which became the building stones of the 1993 Oslo agreement. Lacking a commitment to a final outcome, the Oslo-based peace process was hampered by reserve options, which increased avoidance at the expense of approach tendencies as the parties moved toward a final agreement. The resulting breakdown of the process in 2000 produced clashing narratives, reflecting different anchors for judgment and classical mirror images. Public support for violence increased, even as public opinion continued to favor a negotiated two-state solution. Reviving the peace process requires mutual reassurance about the availability of a partner for negotiating a principled peace based on a historic compromise that meets the basic needs and validates the identities of both peoples.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {66091,
	title = {Anti-Semitism and Zionism in the Debate on the Palestinian Issue},
	journal = {Bunim \& Bannigan Ltd.},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 1, 2007},
	publisher = {Bunim \& Bannigan Ltd.},
	abstract = {The heated debate about the Palestinian issue and Israeli actions in the occupied territories often confronts me with a dilemma. To begin with, I have trouble with any attempt to structure the issue as one between supporters of Israel versus supporters of the Palestinian cause. I consider myself to be both pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian. Moreover, I consider many of the protagonists in these debates{\textemdash}whichever side they claim to support{\textemdash}to be working against the interests of both sides in this tragic conflict. In particular, I am profoundly alienated by the rhetoric of some elements on both sides of the debate: both by those who use their totally legitimate criticism on Israeli policies and practices as a warrant for anti-Semitic pronouncements and by those who use the totally appropriate rejection of anti-Semitism an other forms of racism in any decent society as a weapon to delegitimize all criticism of Israeli policies and practices.},
	url = {http://www.bunimandbannigan.com/index.html},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {65266,
	title = {Getting Religion? The Puzzling Case of Islam and Civil War},
	journal = {International Security},
	year = {2007},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 3, 2007},
	publisher = {International Security},
	abstract = {In this article I argue that overlapping historical, geographical, and, in particular, structural factors account for Islam{\textquoteright}s higher representation in religious civil wars. Together, the historical absence of an internecine religious war similar to the Thirty Years{\textquoteright} War in Europe (1618{\textendash}48), the geographic proximity of Islam{\textquoteright}s holiest sites to Israel and large petroleum reserves, and jihad{\textemdash}a structural feature of Islam{\textemdash}explain why so many civil wars include Islamic participants.},
	url = {http://www.mitpressjournals.org/loi/isec?cookieSet=1},
	author = {Toft, Monica Duffy}
}
@article {66441,
	title = {Contingent Public Policies and Racial Hierarchy: Lessons from Immigration and Census Policies},
	journal = {NYU Press},
	year = {2007},
	month = {Nov 1, 2007},
	publisher = {NYU Press},
	abstract = {Individually or in combination, two federal policies have the potential to transform the American racial and ethnic hierarchy more than any other policy changes since the civil rights movement. They are the Immigration Act of 1965 and the introduction of the "mark one or more" instruction in the race question on the 2000 census. Unlike the civil rights activities of the 1940s through 1960s, the first change was not intended to overturn the racial order and the second was a response to a process of transformation already underway. Both were, and remain, highly dependent on the isolated choices of many people around the world, as well as strategies of political and business leaders and economic or other forces outside anyone{\textquoteright}s control. Because the long-term effects of these policies have not played out fully, their ultimate outcomes will remain unclear for a long time{\textemdash}but they could be substantial.},
	url = {http://www.nyupress.org/books/Political_Contingency-products_id-5186.html},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L. and Burch, Traci}
}
@article {66481,
	title = {Do All Bridges Collapse? Possibilities for Democracy in the European Union},
	year = {2007},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 12, 2007},
	abstract = {It is tempting, but wrong, to infer from the failures of the EU draft constitution that all reforms based on increasing citizen participation in the European Union are doomed to fail. Andrew Moravcsik{\textquoteright}s trenchant dismissal of the constitutional project commits this error. Moravcsik{\textquoteright}s sweeping claims, based on what he calls empirical social science, speak well beyond the evidence on democratic institutional innovations. Participatory measures such as consultative Citizens{\textquoteright} Assemblies may articulate a citizens{\textquoteright} perspective that can help to anchor the democratic legitimacy of the EU. We do not know if such innovations can resolve the problems of the democratic deficit, but we do know that empirical social science has not spoken decisively on the issue. It is worth examining their democratic potential rather than dismissing them outright.},
	author = {Culpepper, Pepper and Fung, Archon}
}
@article {66676,
	title = {Economic Interests and the Origins of Political Systems},
	year = {2007},
	month = {Aug 1, 2007},
	abstract = {The standard explanation for the choice of electoral institutions, building on Rokkan{\textquoteright}s seminal work, is that proportional representation (PR) was adopted by a divided right to defend its class interests against a rising left. But new evidence shows that PR strengthens the left and redistribution, and we argue the standard view is wrong historically, analytically, and empirically. We offer a radically different explanation. Integrating two opposed interpretations of PR{\textemdash}minimum winning coalitions versus consensus{\textemdash}we propose that the right adopted PR when their support for consensual regulatory frameworks, especially those of labor markets and skill formation where co-specific investments were important, outweighed their opposition to the redistributive consequences; this occurred in countries with previously densely organized local economies. In countries with adversarial industrial relations, and weak coordination of business and unions, keeping majoritarian institutions helped contain the left. This explains the close association between current varieties of capitalism and electoral institutions, and why they persist over time.},
	author = {Iversen, Torben and Cusack, Thomas R. and Soskice, David}
}
@article {66566,
	title = {Eppure, non si muove: Legal Change, Institutional Stability and Italian Corporate Governance},
	year = {2007},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2007},
	abstract = {Prevailing theories in political economy hold that a coalition or political party, acting through parliament, can break down institutions of stable shareholding. In spite of extremely favourable conditions in the late 1990s{\textemdash}the election and durable rule of a leftist government supported by a transparency coalition, a bureaucratic elite that favoured institutional change, and substantial state shareholdings which the government could privatize in pursuit of its objectives{\textemdash}these reforms failed to affect the concentration of shareholdings among the largest private companies in Italy. This disjuncture between legal change and actual practice in Italian corporate governance suggests that current theories of institutional change in corporate governance systems are incomplete. The focus of inquiry needs to turn to the political resources of those who support the existing system: managers and large shareholders.},
	author = {Culpepper, Pepper}
}
@article {66741,
	title = {Has Globalization Passed Its Peak?},
	year = {2007},
	note = {(Abridged and reprinted in International Politics: Enduring Concepts and Contemporary Issues, ninth edition, ed. Robert J. Art and Robert Jervis. New York: Longman, 2009, pp. 340-346.) },
	month = {Jan 1, 2007},
	abstract = {Once upon a time, not very long ago, economic globalization{\textemdash} the free worldwide flow of capital, goods, and labor{\textemdash}looked both inevitable and inexorable. Most governments seemed to embrace the very real benefits being offered by rapid technological change and international markets and sought to liberalize their economies in order to maximize these gains. Policymakers worked to prepare their societies for a world of ever-increasing interconnectedness and relentless competition, and the debate{\textemdash}at least within the United States{\textemdash}started to revolve around how to cope with the effects of this new "flat" earth.
Then came the financial crises of the 1990s and the early years of this century in Asia, Russia, and Latin America. The U.S. current account deficit{\textemdash}the difference, broadly speaking, between what U.S. residents spend abroad and what they sell abroad{\textemdash}shot upward. The U.S. dollar fell in value and seemed headed for an even more precipitous drop. As outsourcing accelerated, the American middle class came to feel increasingly insecure. Historians such as Niall Ferguson and Harold James pointed out that the previous era of globalization (which ran from about 1870 to 1914) had once seemed as unstoppable as the current one but had ended disastrously; so, too, they warned, could today{\textquoteright}s.},
	author = {Abdelal, Rawi E. and Segal, Adam}
}
@article {66661,
	title = {Negotiating free trade},
	year = {2007},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2007},
	abstract = {We develop a dynamic bargaining model in which a leading country endogenously decides whether to sequentially negotiate free trade agreements with subsets of countries or engage in simultaneous multilateral bargaining with all countries at once. We show how the structure of coalition externalities shapes the choice between sequential and multilateral bargaining, and we identify circumstances in which the grand coalition is the equilibrium outcome, leading to worldwide free trade. A model of international trade is then used to illustrate equilibrium outcomes and how they depend on the structure of trade and protection. Global free trade is not achieved when the political-economy motive for protection is sufficiently large. Furthermore, the model generates both "building bloc" and "stumbling bloc" effects of preferential trade agreements. In particular, we describe an equilibrium in which global free trade is attained only when preferential trade agreements are permitted to form (a building bloc effect), and an equilibrium in which global free trade is attained only when preferential trade agreements are forbidden (a stumbling bloc effect). The analysis identifies conditions under which each of these outcomes emerges.},
	author = {Aghion, Philippe and Antr{\`a}s, Pol and Helpman, Elhanan}
}
@article {65366,
	title = {The Skin Color Paradox and the American Racial Order},
	journal = {Social Forces},
	volume = {86},
	number = {2},
	year = {2007},
	month = {Dec 1, 2007},
	pages = {1-28},
	abstract = {Dark-skinned blacks in the United States have lower socioeconomic status, more punitive relationships with the criminal justice system, diminished prestige, and less likelihood of holding elective office compared with their lighter counterparts. This phenomenon of {\textquotedblleft}colorism{\textquotedblright} both occurs within the African American community and is expressed by outsiders, and most blacks are aware of it. Nevertheless, blacks{\textquoteright} perceptions of discrimination, belief that their fates are linked, or attachment to their race almost never vary by skin color. We identify this disparity between treatment and political attitudes as {\textquotedblleft}the skin color paradox,{\textquotedblright} and use it as a window into the politics of race in the United States over the past half-century.},
	author = {Hochschild, Jennifer L. and Weaver, Vesla}
}
@article {66556,
	title = {Small States and Skill Specificity: Austria, Switzerland, and Interemployer Cleavages in Coordinated Capitalism},
	year = {2007},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 2007},
	abstract = {The varieties of capitalism literature has put skill systems at the center of comparative politics. Yet its claims about skill specificity are driven by two large coordinated economies, Germany and Japan. This article examines political change of skills in two small coordinated economies. Switzerland has expanded its general skills orientation, whereas Austria retains a highly specific skills system. The cause of this divergence is the different interests of small and large employers: Small employers are more cost sensitive than are large employers, which leads them to oppose the introduction of more general education. The study also shows that the primary measure of skill specificity used in quantitative work{\textemdash}vocational training share{\textemdash}is unreliable. It fails to distinguish between secondary and tertiary vocational training, which have opposite effects on skill specificity. The article develops and justifies an alternative measure{\textemdash}tertiary vocational training{\textemdash}that better predicts the skills clusters observed in advanced capitalism.},
	author = {Culpepper, Pepper}
}
@article {66101,
	title = {Social psychological dimensions of international conflict},
	journal = {U.S. Institute of Peace Press},
	year = {2007},
	month = {Jan 1, 2007},
	publisher = {U.S. Institute of Peace Press},
	abstract = {Social-psychological concepts and findings have entered the mainstream of theory and research in international relations. Explorations of the social-psychological dimensions of international politics go back at least to the early 1930s. Research on foreign policy decision making and the cognitive, group, and organizational factors that help to shape it, negotiation and bargaining, enemy images, public opinion in the foreign policy process, deterrence and other forms of influence in international politics, and reconciliation draws extensively on social-psychological research and theory.},
	url = {http://bookstore.usip.org/books/BookDetail.aspx?productID=120606},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {765786,
	title = {Did the media matter? Agenda-setting, persuasion and mobilization effects in the 2005 British general election},
	journal = {British Politics},
	volume = {1},
	number = {2},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {195-221},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765771,
	title = {God, guns and gays: The supply and demand for religion in the US and Western Europe},
	journal = {Public Policy Research},
	volume = {12},
	number = {4},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {223-233},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald}
}
@article {765761,
	title = {If you build a political website, will they come? The Internet and political activism in Britain},
	journal = {International Journal of Electronic Government Research},
	volume = {2},
	number = {2},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {1-21},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and John Curtice}
}
@article {765746,
	title = {The impact of electoral reform on women{\textquoteright}s representation},
	journal = {Acta Politica},
	volume = {41},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {197-213},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765756,
	title = {Modernization and Gender Equality: A Response to Adams and Orloff},
	journal = {Politics and Gender},
	volume = {4},
	number = {1},
	year = {2006},
	pages = {482-492},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Ronald Ingelhart}
}
@article {67251,
	title = {Pulled, Pushed, and Persuaded: Explaining Women{\textquoteright}s Mobilization into the Salvadoran Guerrilla Army},
	journal = {American Journal of Sociology},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 1, 2006},
	publisher = {American Journal of Sociology},
	abstract = {Using a rare representative sample of grassroots activists and nonactivists,
this study identifies three paths that consistently led Salvadoran
women to involvement in the FMLM guerrilla army: politicized
guerillas, reluctant guerillas, and recruited guerillas. These
mobilization paths arose from the patterned intersections of individual-level biographies, networks, and situational contexts. The
implications of these findings extend beyond studies of revolutionary
activism to analyses of microlevel mobilization in general. Activists
are heterogeneous and often follow multiple paths to the same participation
outcome. Capturing these multiple paths is imperative for
generating theoretically sound explanations of mobilization that
are also empirically effective in distinguishing activists from
nonactivists.},
	url = {http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/502690?prevSearch=\%2528viterna\%2529\%2BAND\%2B\%255Bjournal\%253A\%2Bajs\%255D\&searchHistoryKey=},
	author = {Viterna, Jocelyn}
}
@article {66901,
	title = {Justice in Transition: The Micropolitics of Reconciliation in Postwar Peru},
	journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jun 1, 2006},
	publisher = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
	abstract = {This article draws on anthropological research conducted with communities in Ayacucho, the region
of Peru that suffered the greatest loss of life during the internal armed conflict of the 1980s and 1990s.
One particularity of internal wars, such as Peru{\textquoteright}s, is that foreign armies do not wage the attacks: frequently,
the enemy is a son-in-law, a godfather, an old schoolmate, or the community that lies just across
the valley. The charged social landscape of the present reflects the lasting damage done by a recent past
in which people saw just what their neighbors could do. The author contributes to the literature on transitional
justice by examining the construction and deconstruction of lethal violence among \&quot;intimate
enemies\&quot; and by analyzing how the concepts and practices of communal justice have permitted the development
of a micropolitics of reconciliation in which campesinos administer both retributive and restorative
forms of justice.},
	url = {http://jcr.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/50/3/433?ck=nck},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {66921,
	title = {The Mask and the Mirror: Facing up to the Past in Postwar Peru},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 2006},
	abstract = {In this article Theidon draws upon research conducted with communities in Ayacucho, the region of Peru that bore the greatest loss of life during the internal armed conflict of the 1980-1990s. The fratricidal nature of the conflict means that in any given community,former enemies live side by side. What is it like to live in such a context? What is it like knowing just who one lives with-and living with what oneself has done? As a way of thinking about these questions, Theidon focuses on a figure that appeared incessantly in her conversations: the masked ones. What lies behind the masks that haunt these narratives, particularly in those communities in which the \&quot;masked ones\&quot; were frequently neighbors and family members? Theidon demonstrates that talk about masks, faces, and \&quot;facelessness\&quot; is talk about morality and immorality, and about the challenges of forging co-existence among intimate enemies.},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {66746,
	title = {Identity as a Variable},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Dec 1, 2006},
	abstract = {As scholarly interest in the concept of identity continues to grow, social identities are proving to be crucially important for understanding
contemporary life. Despite{\textemdash}or perhaps because of{\textemdash}the sprawl of different treatments of identity in the social sciences,
the concept has remained too analytically loose to be as useful a tool as the literature{\textquoteright}s early promise had suggested. We propose to
solve this longstanding problem by developing the analytical rigor and methodological imagination that will make identity a more
useful variable for the social sciences. This article offers more precision by defining collective identity as a social category that varies
along two dimensions{\textemdash}content and contestation. Content describes the meaning of a collective identity. The content of social
identities may take the form of four non-mutually-exclusive types: constitutive norms; social purposes; relational comparisons with
other social categories; and cognitive models. Contestation refers to the degree of agreement within a group over the content of the
shared category. Our conceptualization thus enables collective identities to be compared according to the agreement and disagreement
about their meanings by the members of the group. The final section of the article looks at the methodology of identity
scholarship. Addressing the wide array of methodological options on identity{\textemdash}including discourse analysis, surveys, and content
analysis, as well as promising newer methods like experiments, agent-based modeling, and cognitive mapping{\textemdash}we hope to provide
the kind of brush clearing that will enable the field to move forward methodologically as well.},
	author = {Abdelal, Rawi E. and Johnston, Alastair Iain and Herrera, Yoshiko Margaret and McDermott, Rose}
}
@article {66476,
	title = {Goodbye Washington Consensus, Hello Washington Confusion?},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Dec 1, 2006},
	abstract = {Proponents and critics alike agree that the policies spawned by the Washington
Consensus have not produced the desired results. The debate now is not over
whether the Washington Consensus is dead or alive, but over what will replace it. An
important marker in this intellectual terrain is the World Bank{\textquoteright}s Economic Growth
in the 1990s: Learning from a Decade of Reform (2005).With its emphasis on humility,
policy diversity, selective and modest reforms, and experimentation, this is a
rather extraordinary document demonstrating the extent to which the thinking of the
development policy community has been transformed over the years. But there are
other competing perspectives as well. One (trumpeted elsewhere in Washington) puts
faith on extensive institutional reform, and another (exemplified by the U.N.
Millennium Report) puts faith on foreign aid. Sorting intelligently among these
diverse perspectives requires an explicitly diagnostic approach that recognizes that
the binding constraints on growth differ from setting to setting.},
	author = {Rodrik, Dani}
}
@article {66491,
	title = {Why God is Winning},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Sep 1, 2006},
	abstract = {The belief that outbreaks of politicized religion
are temporary detours on the road to secularization
was plausible in 1976, 1986, or even 1996.
Today, the argument is untenable. As a framework
for explaining and predicting the course of
global politics, secularism is increasingly unsound.
God is winning in global politics. And modernization,
democratization, and globalization have
only made him stronger.},
	author = {Toft, Monica Duffy and Shah, Timothy Samuel}
}
@article {63926,
	title = {Capital Flows and Capital Goods},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2006},
	abstract = {We examine one of the channels through which financial integration can help promote growth. We study the effects of capital account liberalization on the imports of capital goods paying particular attention to equity market liberalization. We find that for the period 1980{\textendash}1997, after controlling for trade liberalization and other macroeconomic policies and reforms, stock market liberalization leads to a significant increase in the share of imports of machinery and equipment and the varieties of capital goods imports. Hence, this paper provides evidence that increased access to international capital allows countries to enjoy the benefits embodied in international capital goods.},
	author = {Alfaro, Laura}
}
@article {66531,
	title = {European Integration and Income Inequality},
	year = {2006},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2006},
	abstract = {This paper extends contemporary theorizing on national income inequality to the possible role of regional integration in explaining the recent increase in income inequality in Western European countries. Regional integration is conceptualized as the construction of regional political economy through intensified political and economic interaction and exchange. It is argued that political integration increases inequality through welfare state retrenchment, while economic integration increases inequality by exposing labor to international competition but later decreases inequality as welfare states adopt social protections to compensate for this competition. These arguments are assessed with data from 12 Western European countries for the 1969-1999 period. Results from random{\textemdash}effects and fixed{\textemdash}effects models support these arguments. Also consistent with these arguments are the findings that the welfare state dampens the effects of political and economic integration, and that the effects of political integration weaken at higher levels of economic integration. This study suggests that European integration is an important factor in understanding income inequality in Western Europe.},
	author = {Beckfield, Jason}
}
@article {65271,
	title = {Gender and Secularism of Modernity: How Can a Muslim Woman Be French?},
	journal = {Feminist Studies, Inc.},
	year = {2006},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 1, 2006},
	publisher = {Feminist Studies, Inc.},
	abstract = {The current debates in and about the veil in Europe carry with them not only the terms of the emergence of political Islam in the past several decades, but also this historical memory and that of the earlier cultural encounters and colonial wars between Europe and the domains now named the Middle East and North Africa. While I do not mean to collapse these projects into a singular entity, the historical legacy of fixing the meaning of a Muslim woman{\textquoteright}s veil as the sign of her gender oppression has remained with us to this very day.},
	url = {http://www.feministstudies.org/home.html},
	author = {Najmabadi, Afsaneh}
}
@article {66426,
	title = {Gendered Offices: A Comparative-Historical Examination of Clerical Work in Japan and the United States},
	journal = {Stanford University Press},
	year = {2006},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2006},
	publisher = {Stanford University Press},
	abstract = {The second half of the twentieth century was marked by dramatic changes in women{\textquoteright}s economic participation in the United States and other Western industrial countries (Bergmann 1986; Davis 1984; Oppenheimber 1970, 1994). The most important departure from previous decades was the rapid rise in labor force participation among married women. In the United States, this trend began in the 1940s and early 1950s; in each subsequent decade, white married women{\textquoteright}s labor force participation increased by about 10 percentage points, reaching 60 percent by the end of the century (Blau and Kahn 2005).},
	url = {http://www.sup.org/book.cgi?id=8126},
	author = {Brinton, Mary C.}
}
@article {64466,
	title = {Interests, Relationships, Identities: Three Central Issues for Individuals and Groups in Negotiating Their Social Environment},
	journal = {Annual Review of Psycholgy},
	volume = {57},
	year = {2006},
	month = {Jan 1, 2006},
	pages = {1-26},
	publisher = {Annual Review of Psycholgy},
	abstract = {This paper begins with a summary of a model, developed half a century ago, that distinguishes three qualitatively different processes of social influence: compliance, identification, and internalization. The model, originally geared to and experimentally tested in the context of persuasive communication, was subsequently applied to influence in the context of long{\textendash}term relationships, including psychotherapy, international exchanges, and the socialization of national/ethnic identity. It has been extended to analysis of the relationship of individuals to social systems. Individuals{\textquoteright} rule, role, and value orientations to a system{\textemdash}conceptually linked to compliance, identification, and internalization{\textemdash}predict different reactions to their own violations of societal standards, different patterns of personal involvement in the political system, and differences in attitude toward authorities and readiness to obey. In a further extension of the model, three approaches to peacemaking in international or intergroup conflicts are identified{\textendash}conflict settlement, conflict resolution, and reconciliation{\textendash} which, respectively, focus on the accommodation of interests, relationships, and identities, and are conducive to changes at the level of compliance, identification, and internalization.},
	url = {http://arjournals.annualreviews.org/loi/psych},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {66751,
	title = {Writing the rules of global finance: France, Europe, and capital liberalization},
	year = {2006},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 1, 2006},
	abstract = {Why were capital controls orthodox in 1944, but heretical in 1997? The scholarly literature, following the conventional wisdom, focuses on the role of the United States in promoting capital liberalization. Although the United States encouraged capital liberalization bilaterally, US policy makers never embraced multilateral rules that codified the norm of capital mobility. Rather, European policy makers wrote the most important rules in favour of the free movement of capital. Paradoxically, French policy makers in particular played decisive roles. For the debates that mattered most{\textemdash}in the EU, OECD, and IMF{\textemdash}the United States was, respectively, irrelevant, inconsequential and indifferent. Europe did not capitulate to global capital. Rather, French and other European policy makers created today{\textquoteright}s liberal international financial regime. French and European policy makers have promoted a rule-based, "managed" globalization of finance, whereas US policy makers have tended to embrace an ad hoc globalization based on the accumulation of bilateral bargains. Once liberal rules were codified in the EU and OECD, they constituted the policy practices of "European" and "developed"{\textquoteright} states, for which capital controls are no longer considered a legitimate policy tool. During the middle of the 1990s, the IMF debated new, universal rules in favour of capital freedom, but the proposal was defeated, primarily by the US Congress, after the financial crises of 1997{\textendash}98. By then the vast majority of the world{\textquoteright}s capital flows were already governed by the liberal rules of the EU and OECD.},
	author = {Abdelal, Rawi E.}
}
@article {765816,
	title = {Electoral reform and fragmented multipartyism.{\textquoteright} (Published in Russian)},
	journal = {O{\v n}kymeha},
	volume = {3},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {71-105},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765811,
	title = {The impact of political advertising in the 2001 UK general election},
	journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
	volume = {58},
	number = {4},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {525-536},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and David Sanders}
}
@article {765806,
	title = {The impact of the Internet on political activism: Evidence from Europe},
	journal = {International Journal of  Electronic Government Research},
	volume = {1},
	number = {1},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {20-39},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765961,
	title = {Mexico{\textquoteright}s Evolving Democracy: A Comparative Study of the 2012 Elections},
	journal = {The Johns Hopkins University Press},
	year = {2005},
	editor = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I. and Kenneth F. Greene and Chappell H. Lawson and Moreno, Alejandro}
}
@article {765821,
	title = {A tese da "nova clivagem" e a base social do apoio {\`a} direita radical.{\textquoteright} (The {\textquoteleft}new cleavage{\textquoteright} thesis and the social basis of radical right support{\textquoteright} published in Portuguese.)},
	journal = {Opini{\~a}o P{\'u}blica},
	volume = {11},
	number = {1},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {1-32},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765796,
	title = {The third Blair victory: How and why?},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	volume = {45},
	number = {3},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {1-27},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Christopher Wlezien}
}
@article {765791,
	title = {Whether the campaign matters and how},
	journal = {Parliamentary  Affairs},
	volume = {45},
	number = {3},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {214-231},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Christopher Wlezien}
}
@article {764256,
	title = {Britain Votes 2005},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs},
	year = {2005},
	editor = {Norris, Pippa and Christopher Wlezien}
}
@article {762011,
	title = {Gender and ethnic identity among second-generation Indo-Caribbeans},
	journal = {Ethnic and Racial Studies},
	volume = {28},
	number = {5},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {803-831},
	url = {http://www.ingentaconnect.com.ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/content/routledg/rers/2005/00000028/00000005/art00001},
	author = {N. Warikoo}
}
@article {80696,
	title = {Grants versus Loans for Development Banks},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	volume = {95},
	number = {2},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {393-397},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/000282805774669727},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S. and Bulow, Jeremy}
}
@article {67966,
	title = {Labor Transnationalism and Global Governance: The Impact of NAFTA on Transnational Labor Relationships in North America},
	journal = {American Journal of Sociology},
	year = {2005},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Oct 1, 2005},
	publisher = {American Journal of Sociology},
	abstract = {This article examines how the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) catalyzed cross-border labor cooperation and col- laboration (i.e., labor transnationalism), by creating a new political opportunity structure at the transnational level. Because there are differences in the way power is constituted at the transnational and national levels, theories of national political opportunity structures cannot be directly mapped onto the transnational level. The author describes three primary dimensions of political opportunity structure at the transnational level that explain how power is established: (1) the constitution of transnational actors and interests, (2) the definition and recognition of transnational rights, and (3) adjudication at the transnational level. The case of NAFTA suggests that while the emergence of national social movements requires nation-states, global governance institutions can play a pivotal role in the development of transnational social movements.},
	url = {http://www.tamarakay.com/assets_d/1604/download_media/kay-ajs-2005.pdf},
	author = {Kay, Tamara}
}
@article {66936,
	title = {Intimate Enemies: Towards a Social Psychology of Reconciliation},
	journal = {The Psychology of Resolving Global Conflicts},
	year = {2005},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Dec 30, 2005},
	publisher = {The Psychology of Resolving Global Conflicts},
	abstract = {On August 28, 2003, the Commissioners of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) submitted their Final Report to President Alejandro Toledo and the nation. After two years of work and some 17,000 testimonies, the Commissioners had completed their task of examining the causes and consequences of the internal armed conflict of the 1980s-1990s. Among the most striking conclusions in the Final Report is the number of fatalities{\textemdash}69,280 deaths, three times the number cited by human rights organizations and the government prior to the TRC{\textemdash}and the responsibility for these deaths (America{\textquoteright}s Watch, 1992). In the section of the Final Report regarding accountability, the Commissioners state that the Shining Path guerrillas (Senderistas) were responsible for 54 percent of the fatalities reported to the TRC (Truth and Reconciliation Commission, TRC, 2003).},
	url = {http://www.greenwood.com/catalog/C8201.aspx},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {66781,
	title = {How to Help Poor Countries},
	year = {2005},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jul 1, 2005},
	abstract = {The year 2005 has become the year of development. In September, at the UN Millennium Summit meeting of heads of state, in New York,
leaders of wealthy nations will emphasize their commitment to deeper
debt relief and increased aid programs for developing countries. The
Millennium Development Goals, the centerpiece of the conference{\textquoteright}s
program, call for halving the levels of world poverty and hunger by 2015.

The summit will focus on increasing international aid to 0.7 percent
of donors{\textquoteright} gross national product to finance a doubling of aid transfers
to especially needy areas, particularly in Africa.With respect to global
trade, efforts will center on the Doha Round of multilateral trade
negotiations and opening markets to important exports (such as cotton)
from developing countries. The discussions will thus proceed based
on two implicit but critical underlying assumptions: that wealthy
nations can materially shape development in the poor world and that
their efforts to do so should consist largely of providing resources to
and trading opportunities for poor countries.},
	author = {Rodrik, Dani and Subramanian, Arvind and Birdsall, Nancy}
}
@article {64396,
	title = {The Constraining Power of International Treaties},
	year = {2005},
	month = {Aug 1, 2005},
	abstract = {With Daniel Hopkins. American Political Science Review (forthcoming, August 2005)We acknowledge the contribution of von Stein (200X) in calling attention to the very real problem of selection bias in estimating treaty effects. Nonetheless, we dispute both von Stein?s theoretical and empirical conclusions. Theoretically, we contend that treaties can both screen and constrain simultaneously, meaning that findings on screening do nothing to undermine the claim that treaties constrain state behavior as well. Empirically, we questions von Stein?s estimator on several grounds, including its strong distributional assumptions and its statistical inconsistency. We then illustrate that selection bias does not account for much of the difference between Simmons? (2000) and von Stein?s (200x) estimated treaty effects, and instead reframe the problem as one of model dependency. Using a preprocessing matching step to reduce that dependency, we then illustrate treaty effects that are both substantively and statistically significant {\textendash} and that are quiet close in magnitude to those reported by Simmons (2000).},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {64346,
	title = {Precautionary Savings and Self-Selection - Evidence from the German Reunification {\textquoteright}Experiment{\textquoteright}},
	year = {2005},
	month = {Apr 19, 2005},
	abstract = {We combine particular features of the German civil service with the unique event of German reunification to test the theory of precautionary savings and to quantify the importance of self{\textendash}selection into occupations due to differences in risk aversion. In the presence of self{\textendash}selection, failing to control for risk aversion in empirical tests of precautionary savings results in a bias that could lead to a false rejection of the theory. We exploit the fact that for individuals from the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) German reunification in 1990 caused an exogenous reassignment of income risks. Our findings suggest that self{\textendash}selection of risk averse individuals into low{\textendash}risk occupations is economically important and decreases aggregate precautionary wealth holdings significantly.},
	author = {Fuchs-Schuendeln, Nicola}
}
@article {63961,
	title = {Capital Flows in a Globalized World: The Role of Policies and Institutions},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 1, 2005},
	abstract = {We describe the patterns of international capital flows in the period 1970{\textendash}2000. We then examine the determinants of capital flows and capital flows volatility during this period. We find that institutional quality is an important determinant of capital flows. Historical determinants of institutional quality have a direct effect on today{\textquoteright}s foreign investment. Policy plays a significant role in explaining the increase in the level of capital flows over time and their volatility.
Working Paper 11696, National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2005.},
	author = {Alfaro, Laura}
}
@article {64446,
	title = {Constitutional Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy},
	journal = {Constitutional Political Economy },
	volume = {16},
	number = {4},
	year = {2005},
	month = {Dec 1, 2005},
	abstract = {Many emerging democracies across the globe are scrambling to craft new constitutions. The modal constitution being chosen in this most recent wave of democratization is a rather unknown, and under{\textendash}theorized, type: semi{\textendash}presidentialism. This article brings semi{\textendash}presidentialism back to comparative constitutional theory, distinguishing it from presidentialism and parliamentarism, and guarding against its hasty export to new democracies. This article details when, and why, semi{\textendash}presidentialism can be problematic from the standpoints of democracy, constitutionalism, and the protection of fundamental rights; and the conditions under which it can be supportive of them. After establishing the analytical framework, this article compares developments in two important historical cases of regime change under semi{\textendash}presidentialism, cases which have also been among the most influential countries for European politics in the twentieth century: the French Fifth Republic and Weimar Germany. The concluding section draws the evidence together.},
	author = {Skach, Cindy}
}
@article {64521,
	title = {Cross-National Cultural Diffusion: The Global Spread of Cricket},
	journal = {American Sociological Review},
	volume = {70},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 1, 2005},
	pages = {82-110},
	abstract = {This article explores the dynamics of cross{\textendash}national cultural diffusion through the study of a case in which a symbolically powerful cultural practice, the traditionally English sport of cricket, successfully diffused to most but not all countries with close cultural ties to England. Neither network ties, nor national values, nor climatic conditions account for this disparity. Our explanation hinges instead on two key factors: first, the degree to which elites chose either to appropriate the game and deter others from participating or actively to promote it throughout the population for hegemonic purposes; and second, the degree to which the game was {\textquotedblleft}popularized{\textquotedblright} by cultural entrepreneurs looking to get and keep spectators and athletes interested in the sport. Both outcomes relate to the nature of status hierarchies in these different societies, as well as the agency of elites and entrepreneurs in shaping the cultural valence of the game. The theoretical significance of this project is thus the observation that the diffusion of cultural practices can be promoted or discouraged by intermediaries with the power to shape the cultural meaning and institutional accessibility of such practices.},
	author = {Kaufman, Jason and Patterson, Orlando}
}
@article {64481,
	title = {From Malthus to Ohlin: Trade, Industrialisation and Distribution Since 1500},
	journal = {Journal of Economic Growth},
	volume = {10},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2005},
	pages = {5-34},
	abstract = {A recent endogenous growth literature has focused on the transition from a Malthusian world where real wages were linked to factor endowments, to one where modern growth has broken that link. In this paper we present evidence on another, related phenomenon: the dramatic reversal in distributional trends{\textemdash}from a steep secular fall to a steep secular rise in wage-land rent ratios{\textemdash}which occurred some time early in the 19th century. What explains this reversal? While it may seem logical to locate the causes in the Industrial Revolutionary forces emphasized by endogenous growth theorists, we provide evidence that something else mattered just as much: the opening up of the European economy to international trade.},
	author = {Williamson, Jeffery G. and Kevin H. O{\textquoteright}Rourke}
}
@article {64476,
	title = {Living with Global Imbalances: A Contrarian View},
	journal = {Policy Briefs in International Economics},
	year = {2005},
	month = {Nov 3, 2005},
	abstract = {Three propositions have become conventional wisdom in Washington and elsewhere. Americans save too little. As a consequence, the US current account deficit is unsustainably large. A necessary step to bring the global economy into sustainable balance is a significant appreciation of the Chinese currency, which in practice has been fixed to the dollar for over a decade. All these separate but related propositions are highly questionable. This policy brief addresses each in turn. It suggests that Americans save quite enough for future generations, that the startlingly large US current account deficit is not only sustainable but a natural feature of today{\textquoteright}s highly globalized economy, and that a revaluation of the Chinese currency, far from alleviating global imbalances, would run the risk of precipitating a financial crisis. These claims are not meant to suggest there are no problems with the current state of affairs. Rather, this brief suggests that events need to be interpreted in light of the evolution of the US and world economies in recent years and that this interpretation will put the global imbalances in a different perspective.},
	author = {Cooper, Richard N.}
}
@article {64081,
	title = {Nominal versus Indexed Debt: A Quantitative Horse Race},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {May 13, 2005},
	abstract = {There are different arguments in favor and against nominal and indexed debt which broadly include the incentive to default through inflation versus hedging against unforeseen shocks. We model and calibrate these arguments to assess their quantitative importance. We use a dynamic equilibrium model with tax distortion, government outlays uncertainty, and contingent{\textendash}debt service, which we take to mean nominal debt. In the model, the benefits of defaulting through inflation are tempered by higher future interest rates. We obtain that calibrated costs from inflation more than offset the benefits from hedging. We further discuss sustainability of nominal debt in developing (volatile) countries.},
	author = {Alfaro, Laura}
}
@article {64171,
	title = {Power Plays and Capacity Constraints: The Selection of Defendants in WTO Disputes},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 3, 2005},
	abstract = {Are smaller members of the World Trade Organization able to use the WTO?s dispute settlement mechanism on an equal footing with the more powerful members of the organization? This paper examines the relationship between the wealth and power of states and their ability to participate fully within this system of dispute resolution. Two alternative hypotheses are considered. The "power hypothesis" predicts that politically weak countries will refrain from filing complaints against politically powerful states for fear of costly retaliation. The "capacity hypothesis" predicts the opposite {\textendash} low income states will tend to complain about behavior by high income states because the latter offer a higher expected return.  Using the set of all WTO disputes we test these two hypotheses and find considerable support for the capacity hypothesis and no support for the power hypothesis. We conclude that poor states behave differently than their rich counterparts because they lack the financial, human, and institutional capital to participate fully in the dispute resolution system.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {64421,
	title = {The Question of Religion and World Politics},
	journal = {Terrorism and Political Violence},
	volume = {17},
	year = {2005},
	month = {Jan 1, 2005},
	pages = {293-303},
	abstract = {In this essay we introduce this special volume on the role of religion in world conflict. We develop a common definition of religion which focuses on five ways religion can influence society an politics: (1) as a basis for identity; (2) as a belief system that influences behavior; (3) through formal religious doctrines; (4) as a source of legitimacy; and (5) through its religious institutions. We discuss why the issue of religion has in the past received little attention from social scientists. Finally, we develop a set of common questions which the other authors in the volume address. These questions are designed to create a better understanding of the role religion plays in world conflict as well as how international relations theory can help us understand this role.},
	author = {Jonathan Fox and Shmuel Sandler}
}
@article {64141,
	title = {Rules over Real Estate: Trade, Territorial Conflict, and International Borders as Institutions},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2005},
	abstract = {Territorial disputes between governments generate a significant amount of uncertainty for economic actors. Settled boundary agreements produce benefits to economic agents on both sides of the border. These qualities of borders are missed both by realists, who view territorial conflicts in overly zero{\textendash}sum terms, and globalists, who claim borders are increasingly irrelevant. I argue that settled borders help to secure property rights, signal much greater jurisdictional and policy certainty, and thereby reduce the transactions costs associated with international economic transactions. The plausibility of this claim is examined by showing that territorial disputes involve significant economic opportunity costs in the form of foregone bilateral trade. Theories of territorial politics should take into account the possibility of such joint gains in their models of state dispute behavior.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {64441,
	title = {The Russian Predicament},
	journal = {Journal of Democracy},
	volume = {16},
	number = {3},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2005},
	pages = {113-126},
	abstract = {At the end of the Cold War, semipresidentialism became the modal constitution of the postcommunist world. In Russia and other post{\textendash}Soviet states, however, this system of government has impeded consolidation. Semipresidentialism combines a popularly elected head of state with a prime minister responsible to the legislature; though this framework seemed to promise the best of all constitutional worlds, when put into practice in many countries during their transitions, the framework began to pose serious design dilemmas and facilitate democratic backsliding rather than consolidation.},
	author = {Colton, Timothy J.}
}
@article {66436,
	title = {Trouble in Paradise: The Youth Labor Market and School-Work Institutions in Japan{\textquoteright}s Economy},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2005},
	abstract = {The economic and social organization of capitalist societies is one of the most classical of sociological subjects, as the editors of this volume point out. Pioneers of economic sociology such as Weber were fundamentally comparative, but the comparative analysis of the institutions governing capitalism in different cultural contexts has unfortunately received relatively short shrift within the new economic sociology of the late twentieth and early twenty-first century (Swedberg, this volume). Instead, much of this terrain has been implicitly ceded to political economists working in the newly-developed "varieties of capitalism" framework (see discussions in Brinton 2005, and Swedberg this volume). The varieties of capitalism agenda is ambitious. But it leaves many areas of interest to economic sociologists wide open.},
	author = {Brinton, Mary C.}
}
@article {64191,
	title = {On Waves, Clusters, and Diffusion: A Conceptual Framework},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {May 1, 2005},
	abstract = {This article makes a conceptual and theoretical contribution to the study of diffusion. The authors suggest that the concept of diffusion be reserved for processes (not outcomes)characterized by a certain uncoordinated interdependence. Theoretically, the authors identify the principal sources of clustered policy reforms. They then clarify the characteristics specific to diffusion mechanisms and introduce a categorization of such processes. In particular, they make a distinction between two types of diffusion: adaptation and learning. They argue that this categorization adds conceptual clarity and distinguishes mechanisms with distinct substantive consequences.  Keywords: diffusion; clustering; convergence; policy reform; adaptation; learning; cluster decision making.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63696,
	title = {We, the Peoples? Constitutionalizing the European Union},
	year = {2005},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2005},
	abstract = {This article reviews arguments in favour of a formal, written constitution for Europe, and concludes with a better suggestion {\textendash} a Basic European Law. The article also criticizes the wholehearted embrace of ?popular constitution{\textendash}making?. It does so by drawing on comparative evidence from constitution{\textendash}making processes in various his{\textendash}torical time periods and world regions. It poses three essential questions to organize the debate. First, why a European constitution? Second, what kind of European con{\textendash}stitution? Third, how a European constitution?},
	author = {Skach, Cindy}
}
@article {765841,
	title = {Comment: Does PR promote political extremism, redux},
	journal = {Representation},
	volume = {40},
	number = {3},
	year = {2004},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765851,
	title = {(Reprinted in Spanish) {\textquoteleft}The True Clash of Civilizations?},
	journal = {Foreign Policy},
	year = {2004},
	month = {March/April},
	author = {Inglehart, Ronald and Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765836,
	title = {Sacred and secular: Praying together, staying together?},
	journal = {International Journal of Not-for- Profit Law},
	year = {2004},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald}
}
@article {765846,
	title = {A Seat at the Table: How to elect women to Iraq{\textquoteright}s new government},
	journal = {Compass: A Journal of  Leadership},
	volume = {1},
	number = {2},
	year = {2004},
	pages = {6-8},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765831,
	title = {Who demonstrates? Anti-state rebels, conventional participants, or everyone?},
	journal = {Comparative Politics},
	volume = {37},
	number = {2},
	year = {2004},
	pages = {189-206},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Stefaan Walgrave and Peter van Aelst}
}
@article {765826,
	title = {Why parties fail to learn: Electoral defeat, selective perception and British party politics.},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	volume = {10},
	number = {1},
	year = {2004},
	pages = {85-104},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Joni Lovenduski}
}
@article {762016,
	title = {Race and the teacher{\textendash}student relationship: interpersonal connections between West Indian students and their teachers in a New York City high school},
	journal = {Race Ethnicity and Education},
	volume = {7},
	number = {2},
	year = {2004},
	pages = {135-147},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1361332042000234268},
	author = {N. Warikoo}
}
@article {80711,
	title = {Serial Default and the {\textquotedblleft}Paradox{\textquotedblright} of Rich-to-Poor Capital Flows},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	volume = {94},
	number = {2},
	year = {2004},
	pages = {53-58},
	abstract = {Lightning may never strike twice in the same place, but the same cannot be said of sovereign default. Throughout history, governments have demonstrated that {\textquotedblleft}serial default{\textquotedblright} is the rule, not the exception. Argentina has famously defaulted on five occasions since its birth in the 1820{\textquoteright}s. However, as shown in Table 1, Argentina{\textquoteright}s record is surpassed by many countries in the New World (Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Ecuador) and by almost as many in the Old World (France, Germany, Portugal, Spain, and Turkey). At the same time, a
smaller and dwindling number of developing countries such as India, Korea, Malaysia, Mauritius, Singapore, and Thailand have yet to default, despite being tested by severe turmoil, including the Asian crisis of the late 1990{\textquoteright}s. What can explain such striking differences in default performance? State-of-the-art theoretical models of debt crises stress the importance of multiple equilibria where random investor panics can become self-fulfilling. The implication is that economists may never be able to precisely explain sovereign defaults, much less
predict them. Nevertheless, the fact that sovereign defaults tend to recur like clockwork in some countries, while being absent in others, suggests that there must be a significant explainable component as well.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/0002828041302370},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S. and Reinhart, Carmen M.}
}
@article {67971,
	title = {Abortion, Race, and Gender in Nineteenth-Century America},
	journal = {American Sociological Association},
	year = {2004},
	note = {Co-author Nicola Beisel is a professor of sociology at Northwestern University.Download PDF},
	month = {Oct 1, 2004},
	publisher = {American Sociological Association},
	abstract = {Many sociologists have considered the intersection of race and gender in the production of social life, but while works on {\textquotedblleft}intersectionality{\textquotedblright} have offered a useful paradigm for analyzing the experience of individual persons, a model for understanding how structures interact remains unclear. Appropriating Sewell{\textquoteright}s (1992) argument that structures consist of cultural schemas applied to resources, this article develops a more nuanced approach to intersectionality. It presents the argument that because the basis of race and gender as social structures is the inscription of cultural schemas on bodies, and because racial reproduction is predicated on the continued creation of these culturally inscribed bodies, race and gender as social structures necessarily intersect at the level of biological reproduction. The study uses this theoretical insight to analyze how physicians and suffragists contested the meaning of, and policy regarding, abortion in nineteenth-century America. While most histories of abortion argue that nineteenth-century abortion politics concerned gender relations, this article argues that what was at stake was Anglo-Saxon control of the state and dominance of society. Abortion politics contested the proper use of a valuable social resource, the reproductive capacity of Anglo-Saxon women.},
	url = {http://www.asanet.org/},
	author = {Kay, Tamara}
}
@article {67256,
	title = {Gendering Class in Latin America: How Women Effect and Experience Change in the Class Structure},
	year = {2004},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Sep 17, 2004},
	abstract = {Female participation in the Latin American paid labor force is increasing
dramatically. Building upon Fortes and Hoffman{\textquoteright}s (2003) model, we use occupational
data to measure gendered changes in Latin America{\textquoteright}s class structure
over the last two decades of economic restructuring and adjustment and to investigate
the causes and consequences of these regional patterns. Our results suggest
two important conclusions. First, economic adjustment and restructuring is
increasing women{\textquoteright}s parity with men in terms of class position largely as a consequence
of the deterioration of men{\textquoteright}s once-privileged location in the class structure.
Second, recent economic adjustment and restructuring has altered power
relations between social classes in Latin America in part because it has inspired
both qualitative and quantitative changes in the gendered composition of Latin
American labor. The number of women entering the workforce, and the labor
conditions suffered particularly by women workers, has resulted in both the literal
and figurative \&quot;emasculation\&quot; of the Formal Froletariat. These preliminary
findings make clear the explanatory benefits of including gender in analyses of
ehanges in the Latin American class structure.},
	author = {Viterna, Jocelyn}
}
@article {63671,
	title = {Virtual Kinship, Real Estate, and Diaspora Formation - The Man Lineage Revisited (a Presidential Address to the Association for},
	year = {2004},
	month = {Nov 1, 2004},
	abstract = {Unlike our historian friends, anthropologists do not have the luxury of drawing a line in the sands of time and declaring a closure date for our research. Ethnography never ends. Even the demise of the original field{\textendash}worker does not conclude the enterprise, given the inevitability of re{\textendash}studies (usually conducted by younger scholars eager to overthrow past paradigms). This article is a product of contemporary ethnography; it describes a project that has a beginning but no clear end. At some point during the 1990s, the research took on a life of its own and, if anyone is in charge, it is certainly not the ethnographer. In many respects, therefore, the project parallels the digital revolution: decentered, unpredictable, and \&quot;out of control.\&quot; My address focuses on the long{\textendash}term consequences of international migration and the historical dynamics of diaspora formation. The research is longitudinal in the sense that it tracks a single, tightly bound kinship group during thirty{\textendash}five years of field research. From its inception, this has been what anthropologists refer to as a multisited ethnography, even though that term had not been invented when the research began (see Marcus 1995). The project started in 1969 as a \&quot;typical\&quot; (for that era) village study, focusing on a Cantonese community of two thousand people.},
	author = {Watson, James L.}
}
@article {63321,
	title = {The Globalization of Liberalization: Policy Diffusion in the International Political Economy},
	year = {2004},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Feb 1, 2004},
	abstract = {One of the most important developments over the past three decades has been the spread of liberal economic ideas and policies throughout the world. These policies have affected the lives of millions of people, and yet our most sophisticated political economy models do not adequately capture influences on these policy choices. Evidence suggests that the adoption of liberal economic practices is highly clustered both temporally and spatially. We hypothesize this clustering might be due to processes of policy diffusion. We think of diffusion as resulting from one of two broad sets of forces: one in which mounting adoptions of a policy alter the benefits of adopting for others, and another in which adoptions provide policy relevant information about the benefits of adopting. We develop arguments within these broad classes of mechanisms, construct appropriate measures of the relevant concepts, and test their effects on liberalization and restriction of the current account, the capital account, and the exchange rate regime. Our findings suggest that domestic models of foreign economic policymaking are insufficient. The evidence shows that policy transitions are influenced by international economic competition as well as the policies of a country?s socio{\textendash}cultural peers. We interpret this latter influence as a form of channeled learning reflecting governments? search for appropriate models for economic policy.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {61491,
	title = {Fiscal Discipline and the Cost of Public Debt Service: Some Estimates for OECD Countries},
	year = {2004},
	month = {Nov 1, 2004},
	abstract = {Is there any systematic explanation of variations in the cost of debt servicing over time and across countries? This paper examines the influence of fiscal variables on borrowing costs in a panel of OECD countries, showing that these variables have a significant role. In particular, an improvement of the primary fiscal balance and a reduction in the stock of outstanding debt are associated with significant reductions in debt servicing costs, amplifying the effects of primary adjustment on the fiscal position. These effects appear to be non{\textendash}linear: more pronounced for highly{\textendash}indebted countries. A significant country{\textendash}specific component remains, however; several explanations for this component are discussed, including debt management and market infrastructure.},
	author = {Caselli, Francesco and Alberto Giovannini and Timothy Lane}
}
@article {63641,
	title = {Acts of Faith: Churches and Political Engagement},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 2004},
	abstract = {Many observers suggest that white evangelical Protestant Churches serve to mobilize their members into politics, while others argue that they encourage withdrawal from political life. This paper reconciles these two claims. I hypothesize that the time members of evangelical Protestant denominations spend in service to their church comes at the expense of participation in the wider community, contrary to the way mainline Protestant and Catholic churches foster civic activity among their members. However, I further hypothesize that the tight social networks formed through this intensive church activity can at times facilitate rapid and intense political mobilization. Data from the Citizen Participation Study supports the first hypothesis, while applying King{\textquoteright}s method of ecological inferences to the two elections in Alabama supports the second.},
	author = {David E. Campbell}
}
@article {64401,
	title = {Approaching Indigenous Rights in the Early 21st Century: International Norms, Social Movements and Citizenship Claims},
	journal = {Cultural Survival Quarterly},
	volume = {28},
	number = {3},
	year = {2004},
	month = {Sep 15, 2004},
	abstract = {Some time during dinner on Saturday, November 16, 1532, Fray Vincente de Valverde, chaplain to Francisco de Pizzaro, is reported to have explained to an interlocutor of the Inca host, Atahualpa, why tribute was to be paid to God through King Charles IV of Spain. The Inca spokesperson responded with a series of logically{\textendash}reasoned questions, which invited argumentation. Instead, the Spanish assemblage leapt from their seats, attacked their hosts, and stole the Inca{\textquoteright}s gold and silver. From that point on, argues Mexican philosopher Enrique Dussel, the possibility of a genuine multi{\textendash}ethnic discursive community in Latin America has remained permanently quagmired in asymmetry.},
	author = {Theodore S. Macdonald}
}
@article {63371,
	title = {Better Together: Restoring the American Community},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 24, 2004},
	abstract = {Research has begun to show how powerfully social capital, or its absence, affects the well being of individuals, organizations, and nations. Economics studies demonstrate that social capital makes workers more productive, firms more competitive, and nations more prosperous. Psychological research indicates that abundant social capital makes individuals less prone to depression and more inclined to help others. Epidemiological reports show that social capital decreases the rate of suicide, colds, heart attacks, strokes, and cancer, and improves individuals? ability to fight or recover from illnesses once they have struck. Sociology experiments suggest that social capital reduces crime, juvenile delinquency, teenage pregnancy, child abuse, welfare dependency, and drug abuse, and increases student test scores and graduation rates. From political science, we know that extensive social capital makes government agencies more responsive, efficient, and innovative. And from our own personal experience we know that social capital makes navigating life a whole lot easier: our friends and family members cheer us up when we?re down, bring us chicken soup when we?re sick, offer job leads when we?re unemployed, baby{\textendash}sit our kids when we?re away away, join us at the movies when we?re bored, give us loans when we?re broke, and remember our birthdays when even we forget them.
It is becoming increasingly clear that social capital has an enormous array of practical benefits to individuals and to communities. What is more, social capital has what economists call "positive externalities." That is, networks of trust and reciprocity not only benefit those within them, but also those outside them. Consequently, when social capital is depleted, people suffer in clear and measurable ways, and there is a ripple effect beyond a scattering of lonely individuals. Shoring up our stocks of social capital, therefore, represents one of the most promising approaches for remedying all sorts of social ills.
Yet the national stockpile of social capital has been seriously depleted over the past 30 years. By virtually every measure, today?s Americans are more disconnected from one another and from the institutions of civic life than at any time since statistics have been kept. Whether as family members, neighbors, friends, or citizens, we are tuning out rather than turning out.
Published as: Putnam, Robert D., and Lewis M. Feldstein. Better Together: Restoring the American Community. New York: Simon \&amp; Schuster, 2003.},
	author = {Putnam, Robert D.}
}
@article {63906,
	title = {Czech Mate: Expropriation and Investor Protection in a Converging World},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 6, 2004},
	abstract = {This paper examines the expropriation of a foreign investor by a local partner and the subsequent resolution of that case through international arbitration. Ronald Lauder, a U.S. investor, created a media holding company for investments in Eastern Europe that included a once{\textendash}successful joint venture with Vladimir Zelezny in the Czech Republic. Despite Lauder{\textquoteright}s 99\% interest in the underlying Czech entity, Zelezny managed to divert the value of the underlying entity for his personal benefit. Subsequent to the expropriation, Lauder employed international agreements and tribunals to recoup 354.9 million USD from the Czech Republic. This clinical examination of an expropriation and its aftermath illustrates how ownership shares can be of secondary importance in determining control, how corporate control is shaped by geography, and how differential access to investor protections in global capital markets can contribute to the persistence of differences, rather than convergence, in investor protections.},
	author = {Desai, Mihir A.}
}
@article {64516,
	title = {Empire through Diasporic Eyes: A View from the Other Boat},
	journal = {Comparative Studies of Society and History},
	volume = {46},
	number = {2},
	year = {2004},
	month = {Apr 1, 2004},
	pages = {210-246},
	abstract = {In 1982, Eric Wolf published Europe and the People Without History to identify and begin rectifying large gaps in anthropological knowledge. That project remains unfinished. In the past year, since September 11, 2001, the necessity of filling in some of these gaps has become urgent. The history of relations between Western powers and transnational Muslim societies in the Indian Ocean is one of them. An anthropologically nuanced understanding of such societies as diasporas, thought in tandem with their continued relations with Western empires over five hundred years, lends a useful perspective on a set of conflicts which is massively unfolding. Threatening to become a self-fulfilling prophecy of a clash of civilizations (Huntington 1993) in popular discourse and political decision-making, a phenomenon on this horrendous scale remains within the purview of anthropologists if one sees it as an instance of culture contact under conditions of global imperialism, unmitigated by colonial administration.
The distinction between imperialism and colonialism is critical. Talal Asad{\textquoteright}s Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter (1973) launched anthropology on an auto-critique by noting that its quiet field sites were fields of colonial power, and its practitioners members of colonizing societies. Colonialism refers to foreign presence in, possession of, and domination over bounded, local places. Today, the multi-sited ethnographies we increasingly pursue need to be analytically framed within a field of power which is transnational. The term imperialism refers to foreign domination, without the necessity of presence or possession, over expansive, transnational spaces{\textemdash}and many places. Within the purview of U.S. power, then, the appropriate term for this frame is not postcolonialism, but ongoing imperialism. The time may soon be upon us for a sequel to Asad{\textquoteright}s volume, now trained on American anthropology and the imperial encounter. While the terms globalization, neo-liberalism, and late-liberalism may have been productive in probing the complexities of consent to contemporary transnational hegemony, they have been less attentive to its classical twin, coercion. While colonialism may be the past of British and French anthropology, imperialism is the long present of the American one. Thus the sense of urgency, again (Hymes 1999[1969]).
In what follows, I look at a series of contacts between Western empires and Muslim societies through the eyes of a Muslim diaspora, as it were, a mobile people with a written history. The review suggests that what is new to this history is the unique nature of American power worldwide. In its global reach it is imperial, but in its disavowal of administration on the ground, it is anti-colonial. Decoupling the concept of colonialism from that of imperialism is a necessary step in thinking about this new mode of domination, and it is a task this essay sets for itself.
Citation: Ho, Engseng. {\textquotedblleft}Empire through Diasporic Eyes: A View from the Other Boat{\textquotedblright} Society for Comparative Study of Society and History.(April 2004): 210-246.},
	author = {Ho, Engseng}
}
@article {63426,
	title = {Financial Constraints and Growth: Multinational and Local Firm Responses to Currency Crises},
	year = {2004},
	month = {Jun 1, 2004},
	abstract = {This paper studies the effects of financial constraints on firm growth by investigating if large depreciations differentially impact multinational affiliates and local firms in emerging markets. U.S. multinational affiliates increase sales, assets and investment significantly more than local firms during, and subsequent to, currency crises. The enhanced relative performance of multinationals is traced to their ability to use internal capital markets to capitalize on the competitiveness benefits of large depreciations. Investment specifications indicate that increases in leverage resulting from sharp depreciations constrain local firms from capitalizing on these investment opportunities, but do not constrain multinational affiliates. Multinational parents also infuse new capital in their affiliates after currency crises. These results indicate another role for foreign direct investment in emerging markets{\textendash}multinational affiliates expand economic activity during currency crises when local firms are most constrained.},
	author = {Desai, Mihir A.}
}
@article {63551,
	title = {Forced Secularization in Soviet Russia: Foreign Direct Investment in a World of Multiple Taxes},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2004},
	abstract = {Under communism, the Russian religious landscape consisted mainly of two competitors {\textendash} a severely repressed Russian Orthodox Church and a heavily promoted atheist alternative to religion called "scientific atheism". Under these circumstances, one might expect the rapid spread of religious disbelief. But the intensity of the atheist campaign originated from official mandate and not popular appeal. In turn, scientific atheism never inspired the Russian population and grew increasingly uninspired as Soviet officials created a monopoly "church" of scientific atheism in hopes of replacing persistent religious beliefs and practices. This paper is dedicated to explaining why communists could not successfully convert the masses to atheism. The findings provide evidence that systems of belief require more than simply the power of promotion and coercion to become accepted.},
	author = {Paul Froese}
}
@article {64181,
	title = {The Globalization of Liberalization: Policy Diffusion in the International Political Economy},
	year = {2004},
	month = {Feb 1, 2004},
	abstract = {One of the most important developments over the past three decades has been the spread of liberal economic ideas and policies throughout the world. These policies have affected the lives of millions of people, yet our most sophisticated political economy models do not adequately capture influences on these policy choices. Evidence suggests that the adoption of liberal economic practices is highly clustered both temporally and spatially. We hypothesize that this clustering might be due to processes of policy diffusion. We think of diffusion as resulting from one of two broad sets of forces: one in which mounting adoptions of a policy alter the benefits of adopting for others and another in which adoptions provide policy relevant information about the benefits of adopting. We develop arguments within these broad classes of mechanisms, construct appropriate measures of the relevant concepts, and test their effects on liberalization and restriction of the current account, the capital account, and the exchange rate regime. Our findings suggest that domestic models of foreign economic policy making are insufficient. The evidence shows that policy transitions are influenced by international economic competition as well as the policies of a country{\textquoteright}s sociocultural peers. We interpret the latter influence as a form of channeled learning reflecting governments{\textquoteright} search for appropriate models for economic policy.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {66756,
	title = {On the High Road: Trade, International Standards, and National Competitiveness},
	year = {2004},
	note = {\&nbsp;},
	month = {Dec 1, 2004},
	abstract = {What{\textquoteright}s fair when it comes to setting the terms of market access? The rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) were meant to answer this question, as well as settle disputes surrounding it. On these grounds, it was also sold as the best means to open markets, encourage economic development, and facilitate economic exchange between countries, large and small{\textemdash}in effect, lifting all boats. Yet now, some ten years later, the organization is facing a tidal wave of charges regarding the uneven power of its member countries and persistent barriers to exchange. Some of the most vocal critics hail from the developing world. Their frustration over unequal market access, agricultural subsidies, and the inability "to right the rules" of trade culminated in disruption of the 1999 WTO meetings in Seattle, the collapse of WTO talks at Cancun in 2003, and the cautious optimism over recent gains in Geneva. At issue is whether the rules of international trade are being used to hold up or push ahead prosperity in the developing world.},
	author = {Abrami, Regina M.}
}
@article {63536,
	title = {How the US Government Flubbed Its Opportunity to Exercise Global Economic Leadership},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 11, 2004},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {63726,
	title = {Informal Institutions and Comparative Politics: A Research Agenda},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2004},
	abstract = {Mainstream comparative research on political institutions focuses primarily on formal rules. Yet in many contexts, informal insti{\textendash}tutions, ranging from bureaucratic and legislative norms to clientelism and patrimonialism, shape even more strongly political behavior and outcomes. Scholars who fail to consider these informal rules of the game risk missing many of the most important incentives and constraints that underlie political behavior. In this article we develop a framework for studying informal institutions and integrating them into comparative institutional analysis. The framework is based on a typology of four patterns of formal{\textendash}informal institutional interaction: complementary, accommodating, competing, and substitutive. We then explore two issues largely ignored in the literature on this subject: the reasons and mechanisms behind the emergence of informal institutions, and the nature of their stability and change. Finally, we consider challenges in research on informal institutions, including issues of identification, measurement, and comparison.},
	author = {Gretchen Helmke and Levitsky, Steven}
}
@article {63841,
	title = {Institutions, Volatility, and Crises},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 2004},
	abstract = {In Takatoshi Ito and Andrew K. Rose eds. Growth and Productivity in East Asia, Chicago and London; The University of Chicago Press.
There is a growing consensus among economists that differences in institution, in particular the enforcement of property rights, rule of law, and constraints placed on politicians and elites, have a first{\textendash}order effect on long{\textendash}run economic development? Recent empirical findings support this notion. There is a strong correlation between institutions and economic financial development? especially when we look at the historically determined differences in institutions?  In this paper and a companion paper, Acemoglu et al. (2003), we argue that institutions also have a first{\textendash}order effect ion short{\textendash} and medium{\textendash}run economic instability. We document that societies that have weak institutions for historical reasons have suffered substantially more output volatility and experienced more severe output, exchange rate, banking, and political crises over the past thirty years. The link we document between the historically determined component of institutions and economic instability calls for a quiet different view of medium{\textendash}run macroeconomic volatility, and for more work to understand the relationship between institutions and volatility. This paper is therefore meant more as a progress report to encourage others to investigate these issues.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63921,
	title = {Market Reactions to Export Subsidies},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2004},
	abstract = {This paper analyzes the economic impact of export subsidies by investigating stock price reactions to a critical event in 1997. On November 18, 1997, the European Union announced its intention to file a complaint before the World Trade Organization (WTO), arguing that the United States provided American exporters illegal subsidies by permitting them to use Foreign Sales Corporations to exempt a fraction of export profits from taxation. Share prices of American exporters fell sharply on this news, and its implication that the WTO might force the United States to eliminate the subsidy. The share price declines were largest for exporters whose tax situations made the threatened export subsidy particularly valuable. Share prices of exporters with high profit margins also declined markedly on November 18, 1997, suggesting that the export subsidies were most valuable to firms earning market rents. This last evidence is consistent with strategic trade models in which export subsidies improve the competitive positions of firms in imperfectly competitive markets.},
	author = {Desai, Mihir A.}
}
@article {63916,
	title = {Old Rules and New Realities: Corporate Tax Policy in a Global Setting},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 1, 2004},
	abstract = {This paper reassesses the burden of the current U.S. international tax regime and reconsiders well{\textendash}known welfare benchmarks used to guide international tax reform. Reinventing corporate tax policy requires that international considerations be placed front and center in the debate on how to tax corporate income. A simple framework for assessing current rules suggests a U.S. tax burden on foreign income in the neighborhood of $50 billion a year. This sizeable U.S. taxation of foreign investment income is inconsistent with promoting efficient ownership of capital assets, either from a national or a global perspective. Consequently, there are large potential welfare gains available from reducing the U.S. taxation of foreign income, a direction of reform that requires abandoning the comfortable, if misleading, logic of using similar systems to tax foreign and domestic income.},
	author = {Desai, Mihir A.}
}
@article {63516,
	title = {One Europe, One Vote?: The Political Economy of European Union Representation in International Organizations},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2004},
	abstract = {Many Europeans support common European Union (EU) representation in international institutions. But such a pooling international political influence raises complex and controversial issues. A common European foreign policy position implies compromise among EU members. The pooling international representation thus requires, as with many internal EU policies, that member states weigh the potential benefits of a common policy against the potential costs a policy not to their liking. There can be a trade{\textendash}off between the advantages of scale and the disadvantages overriding heterogeneous preferences. Simple spatial models help to make this point, to clarify the circumstances in which a common European international representation is most likely, and to explain who is most likely to support or oppose a pooling of European foreign policies.},
	author = {Frieden, Jeffry}
}
@article {63511,
	title = {Is Religion the Problem?},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Apr 1, 2004},
	abstract = {In the rubble following the collapse of the World Trade Center towers in the violent assault of September 11 lies the tawdry remnants of religion?s innocence. In those brief horrifying moments our images of religion came of age. Religion was found in bed with terrorism. Whatever bucolic and tranquil notions we may have had were rudely replaced by those that were tough, political, and sometimes violent. Is this the fault of religion? Has its mask been ripped off and its murky side exposed{\textendash}or has its innocence been abused? Is religion the problem or the victim?},
	author = {Mark Juergensmeyer}
}
@article {63436,
	title = {Rent-Seeking and Municipal Social Spending: Data from America{\textquoteright}s Early Urban-Industrial Age},
	year = {2004},
	note = {\&nbsp;},
	month = {May 1, 2004},
	abstract = {The term "rent{\textendash}seeking" refers to special interest group efforts to seek special benefits at little or no cost to themselves. Because government spending has the potential to create both costs and benefits for taxpayers, fiscal policy is commonly viewed as a primary arena of rent{\textendash}seeking activity. At least five different theories of nineteenth{\textendash}century American urban development fit this general rubric. Each theory predicts different winners and losers as well as different underlying strategies and distributions of interests incumbent upon municipal decision making. This study uses two{\textendash}wave panel data on special interest group representation and municipal social spending to examine the validity of these different theories of rent{\textendash}seeking. Though all such theories share in commonan emphasis on self{\textendash}seeking, this study points to the role of competition between different sectors of the local economy as a motivating force for the formation and mobilization of spe{\textendash}cial interest group organizations. This finding contrasts with those rent{\textendash}seeking theories that predict widespread cooperation among communities and/or classes in pursuit of common goals. Suggestions for future research on this topic are offered as well.},
	author = {Kaufman, Jason}
}
@article {63506,
	title = {A Report from Baghdad: How the U.S. is Losing the Peace},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 8, 2004},
	abstract = {Iraq{\textquoteright}s new interim government has no time to lose. Though it was welcome news when the new Prime Minister, Iyad Allawi, announced that the militias of nine major political parties would disband and join the government{\textquoteright}s security forces by January 2005, this is only one of the monumental tasks and formidable obstacles that the new government faces. As I discovered in a recent visit to Baghdad, Iraq is in dire need of reconstruction{\textendash}not only from the miseries of Saddam Hussein?s long dictatorship, but also from the failed policies of the one{\textendash}year occupation by America{\textquoteright}s Coalition administration, which has left demoralization, humiliation, and a weak security and economic infrastructure in its wake.
Sadly, in the perception of many Iraqis, the US has taken on the ugly aura of a Saddam{\textendash}like dictatorship. This means that the former CIA backing of Prime Minister Iyad Allawi will be a problem, as will any other ties that he and members of the new government have to America. Although he cannot delete the CIA support from his resume Allawi will need to demonstrate his independence.
Pictures from this trip can be found on: http://www.global.ucsb.edu},
	author = {Mark Juergensmeyer}
}
@article {64091,
	title = {The Scholarly Study of Mexican Politics},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 2004},
	abstract = {This essay reviews the state of the scholarly study of Mexican politics. It focuses on research on political change since 1990. It discusses the political origins of economic problems and policies, including the enactment of NAFTA and the 1994{\textendash}95 financial panic. It assesses the decline of the PRI, the presidency, and official organized labor; the role of urban protest and the Zapatista insurgency; and the revitalization of Congress, the Supreme Court, and state governments. It synthesizes the principal analytical findings on parties, public opinion, and elections.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {63676,
	title = {Symposium: Discourse and Content Analysis},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2004},
	author = {Herrera, Yoshiko Margaret}
}
@article {63911,
	title = {Theft and Taxes},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2004},
	abstract = {This paper analyzes the interaction between corporate taxes and corporate governance. We show that the characteristics of a taxation system affect the extraction of private benefits by company insiders. A higher tax rate increases the amount of income insiders divert and thus worsens governance outcomes. In contrast, stronger tax enforcement reduces diversion and, in so doing, can raise the stock market value of a company in spite of the increase in the tax burden. We also show that the corporate governance system affects the level of tax revenues and the sensitivity of tax revenues to tax changes. When the corporate governance system is ineffective (i.e., when it is easy to divert income), an increase in the tax rate can reduce tax revenues. We test this prediction in a panel of countries. Consistent with the model, we find that corporate tax rate increases have smaller (in fact, negative) effects on revenues when corporate governance is weaker. Finally, this approach provides a novel justification for the existence of a separate corporate tax based on profits.},
	author = {Desai, Mihir A.}
}
@article {63811,
	title = {White Elephants},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 18, 2004},
	pages = { },
	abstract = {Underdevelopment is thought to be about lack of investment, and many political economy theories can account for this. Yet, there has been much investment in developing countries. The problem has been that investment growth has not led to output growth. We therefore need to explain not simply underinvestment, but also the missallocation of investment. The canonical example of this is the construction of white elephants{\textendash}investment projects with negative social surplus. In this paper we propose a theory of white elephants. We argue that they are a particular type of inefficient redistribution, which are politically attractive when politicians find it difficult to make credible promises to supporters. We show that it is the very inefficiency of such projects that makes them politically appealing. This is so because it allows only some politicians to credibly promise to build them and thus enter into credible redistribution. The fact that not all politicians can credibly undertake such projects gives those who can a strategic advantage. Socially efficient projects do not have this feature since all politicians can commit to build them and they thus have a symmetric effect on political outcomes. We show that white elephants may be preferred to socially efficient projects if the political benefits are large compared to the surplus generated by efficient projects.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63301,
	title = {Why and How Did Mexico{\textquoteright}s 2000 Presidential Election Campaign Matter?},
	year = {2004},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2004},
	abstract = {[in Jorge I. Dom{\'\i}nguez and Chappell Lawson, eds., Mexico{\textquoteright}s Pivotal Democratic Election: Candidates, Voters, and the Presidential Campaign of 2000 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), pp. 321-344]
Mexico{\textquoteright}s 2000 presidential election campaign mattered. It closed the breach between Fox and old{\textendash}line panistas, somewhat distrustful of his candicacy. It stimulated PAN voters to turn out at rates higher than those of PRI supporters on election day. It solidified the C{\'a}redenas base in the PRD. It demoralized the PRI machinery. It detached voters from Labastida, leading them to vote for another candidate or to stay home on election day. It informed opposition strategic voters to support Fox. The proportion of voters influenced by the campaign to change their voting preference was at least two to three times greater than in U.S. presidential campaigns and at least twice Fox{\textquoteright}s margin of victory. In fact, the proportion of strategic voters alone gave Fox nearly all of his margin of victory.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {765861,
	title = {Gender equality and democracy},
	journal = {Comparative Sociology},
	volume = {1},
	number = {3-4},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {321-346},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Christian Welzel and Inglehart, Ronald}
}
@article {765901,
	title = {Le Divorce: Who is to blame for the transatlantic rift?},
	journal = {Compass: A Journal of Leadership},
	volume = {1},
	number = {1},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {22-25},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765896,
	title = {Message or Medium? Campaign learning during the 2001 British general election},
	journal = {Communication},
	volume = {20},
	number = {3},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {233-262},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765891,
	title = {Muslims and the West: Testing the {\textquoteleft}Clash of Civilizations{\textquoteright} Thesis},
	journal = {Comparative Sociology},
	volume = {1},
	number = {3-4},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {235-265},
	author = {Norris, Pippa and Inglehart, Ronald}
}
@article {765886,
	title = {Preaching to the Converted? Pluralism, Participation and Party Websites},
	journal = {Party Politics},
	volume = {9},
	number = {1},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {21-45},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765911,
	title = {Social Capital and ICTs:Widening or reinforcing social networks?},
	journal = {Eco-Forum},
	volume = {22},
	number = {11},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {31-41},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765876,
	title = {The True Clash of Civilizations?},
	journal = {Foreign Policy},
	number = {March/April},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {63-70},
	author = {Inglehart, Ronald and Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765871,
	title = {Tuned out voters? Media Impact on Campaigns},
	journal = {Ethical Perspectives},
	volume = {9},
	number = {3},
	year = {2003},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765866,
	title = {Zappers in de politiek? De invloed van de media op verkiezingscampagnes},
	journal = {Ethische  Perspectieven},
	volume = {12},
	number = {2},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {86-102},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {66906,
	title = {Disarming the Subject: Remembering War and Imagining Citizenship in Peru},
	journal = {Cultural Critique},
	year = {2003},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Apr 1, 2003},
	publisher = {Cultural Critique},
	abstract = {War and its aftermath serve as powerful motivators for the elaboration and transmission of individual, communal, and national histories. These histories both reflect and constitute human experience as they contour social memory and produce their truth effects. These histories use the past in a creative manner, combining and recombining elements of that past in service to interests in the present. In this sense, the conscious appropriation of history involves both memory and forgetting\&mdash;both being dynamic processes permeated with intentionality.In this essay I explore the political use of the narratives being elaborated in rural villages in the department of Ayacucho regarding the internal war that convulsed Peru for some fifteen years. I suggest that each narrative has a political intent and assumes both an internal and external audience. Indeed, the deployment of war narratives has much to do with forging new relations of power, ethnicity, and gender that are integral to the contemporary politics of the region. These new relations impact the construction of democratic practices and the model of citizenship being elaborated in the current context.},
	url = {http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/cultural_critique/v054/54.1theidon.html},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {63716,
	title = {Explaining Populist Party Adaptation in Latin America},
	year = {2003},
	month = {Oct 10, 2003},
	abstract = {This article uses a two{\textendash}level framework to explain variation in Latin American populist parties? responses to the neoliberal challenge of the 1980s and 1990s.First,it examines the incentives for adaptation,focusing on the electoral and economic environments in which parties operated. Second,it examines parties? organizational capacity to adapt,focusing on leadership renovation and the accountability of office{\textendash}holding leaders to unions and party authorities.This framework is applied to four cases:the Argentine Justicialista Party (PJ),the exican Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI),the Peruvian APRA party,and Venezuelan Democratic Action (AD). In Argentina,the combination of strong incentives and substantial adaptive capacity resulted in radical programmatic change and electoral success.In Mexico,where the PRI had high adaptive capacity but faced somewhat weaker external incentives,programmatic change was slower but nevertheless substantial,and the party survived as a major political force.In Peru,where APRA had some capacity but little incentive to adapt,and in Venezuela,where AD had neither a strong incentive nor the capacity to adapt,populist parties achieved little programmatic change and suffered steep electoral decline.},
	author = {Levitsky, Steven}
}
@article {63291,
	title = {Le Mythe Du Deficit Democratique Europeen},
	year = {2003},
	month = {Oct 1, 2003},
	author = {Andrew Moravcsik}
}
@article {63276,
	title = {Religion and Economic Growth},
	year = {2003},
	month = {Apr 8, 2003},
	abstract = {Empirical research on the determinants of economic growth has typically neglected the influence of religion. To fill this gap, we use international survey data on religiosity for a broad panel of countries to investigate the effects of church attendance and religious beliefs on economic growth. To isolate the direction of causation from religiosity to economic performance, we use instrumental variables suggested by an analysis of systems in which church attendance and beliefs are the dependent variables. The instruments are variables for the presence of state religion and for regulation of the religion market, the composition of religious adherence, and an indicator of religious pluralism. We find that economic growth responds positively to religious beliefs, notably those in hell and heaven, but negatively to church attendance. That is, growth depends on the extent of believing relative to belonging. These results accord with a model in which religious beliefs influence individual traits that enhance economic performance. The beliefs are an output of the religion sector, and church attendance is an input to this sector. Hence, for given beliefs, more church attendance signifies more resources used up by the religion sector.},
	author = {Robert J. Barro and Rachel M. McCleary}
}
@article {63281,
	title = {Theory Synthesis in International Relations: Empirical not Metaphysical},
	year = {2003},
	abstract = {Theory synthesis is not only possible and desirable but is constitutive of any coherent understanding of international relations as a progressive and empirical social science. Numerous interesting proposals exist for formulating and empirically testing multitheoretical propositions about concrete problems in world politics. Below the reader will find a set of basic principles that should underlie testable theory syntheses. Yet other contributors to this forum{\textemdash}Friedrich Kratochwil, Yosef Lapid, Iver Neumann, and Steve Smith{\textemdash}do not share this openness to theory synthesis; their views range from deep skepticism to outright rejection. The real issue between us is whether pluralism among existing theories ought to be preserved for its own sake, as these colleagues believe, or whether theories ought to be treated as instruments to be subjected to empirical testing and theory synthesis, as this author maintains.},
	author = {Andrew Moravcsik}
}
@article {63056,
	title = {Are Religious Minorities More Militant than Other Ethnic Minorities?},
	journal = {Alternatives Journal},
	volume = {28},
	year = {2003},
	month = {Jan 1, 2003},
	pages = {91-114},
	abstract = {Since the Iranian Revolution and especially since the end of the Cold War, religion has come to be associated with militancy. Conflicts between gropus of different religions are perceived by many as more intense. Similarly, religious groups involved in conflict are perceived as more militant. Ethnic conflicts that have fueled this perception include the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the ethnic rebellions in Chechnya, Suda, Cyprus, India, and Indonesia and the civil wars in Lebanon, Afghanistan, and the former Yugoslavia. Fundamentalist movements, especially Islamic movements, have also contributed to this perception. This article uses data from the Minorities at Risk dataset (MAR), as well as data collected independently, to ascertain whether this perception is correct for ethnic conflicts. That is, the article asks: are ethnoreligious minorities really more militant than other ethnic minorities?},
	author = {Jonathan Fox}
}
@article {63706,
	title = {Argentina Weathers the Storm},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 1, 2003},
	abstract = {The events of December 2001 seemed to transform Argentina?s international status from poster child to basket case. Throughout the 1990s, Argentina had been widely hailed as a case of successful market reform under democratic government. The radical economic transformation undertaken by the government of Carlos Sa{\'u}l Menem had ended hyperinflation and restored economic growth, while the country enjoyed an unprecedented degree of democratic stability. Elections were free; civil liberties were broadly protected; and the armed forces, which had toped six civilian governments since 1930, largely disappeared from the political scene. Yet in late 2001, Argentina suffered an extraordinary economic and political meltdown. A prolonged recession and a severe financial crisis culminated in a debt default, a chaotic devaluation, and a descent into the deepest depression in Argentine history. A massive wave of riots and protests triggered a strong of presidential resignations, plunging the country into a profound crisis. For several months, Argentina teetered on the brink of anarchy. Widespread hostility toward the political elite raised the specter of a Peru{\'u} or Venezuela{\'u}style party{\'u}system collapse. As the 2003 presidential election approached, many observers feared that the vote would be marred by violence or fraud.
Published in Journal of Democracy 14, no. 4 (October 2003): 152-166.},
	author = {Levitsky, Steven}
}
@article {63296,
	title = {Boundary Disputes in Latin America},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 1, 2003},
	abstract = {Since the start of 2000, five Latin American boundary disputes between neigboring states have resulted in the use of force, and two others in its deployment. These incidents involved ten of the nineteen independent countries of South and Central America. In 1995, Ecuador and Peru went to war, resulting in more than a thousand deaths and injuries and significant economic loss. And yet, by international standards the Americas were comparatively free from interstate war during the twentieth century. Latin Americans for the most part do not fear aggression from their neighbors. They do not expect their countries to go to war with one another.
Published in Peaceworks no. 50 (August 2003): 42. United States Institute of Peace.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {63746,
	title = {Causal Complexity and the Study of Politics},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 19, 2003},
	abstract = {Theories that posit complex causation, or multiple causal paths, pervade the study of politics but have yet to find accurate statistical expression. To remedy this situation I derive new econometric procedures, Boolean probit and logit, based on the logic of complexity. The solution provides an answer to a puzzle in the rational deterrence literature: the divergence between theory and case-study findings, on the one hand, and the findings of quantitative studies, on the other, on the issue of the role of capabilities and willingness in the initiation of disputes. It also makes the case that different methodological traditions, rather than settling into "separate but equal" status, can instead inform and enrich one another.
Published in Political Analysis 11, no. 3 (2003): 209-233.},
	author = {Braumoeller, Bear F.}
}
@article {63736,
	title = {Community, Class, and Conservation: Development Politics on the Kanyakumari Coast},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 2003},
	abstract = {In this paper, I trace the checkered history of ?community? in one south Indian locale {\textemdash} the coastal belt of Kanyakumari District {\textendash}from its immediate post{\textendash}independence role as a mechanism of state intervention in fisheries development, to its use in the 1990s in fisher claims to rights and resources and as a means for devolving conflict management to the local level. I show that the expansion of the state system, in part through development intervention, opened up a charged political arena where Kanyakumari?s fishers acquired new tools to negotiate political authority, redefine community, and articulate new rights of citizenship. Most importantly, I demonstrate that the development process furthered the mutual implication of state and community, a process which the state has been reluctant to acknowledge. I end the paper by arguing that the Tamilnadu State government?s neglect of marine conservation is a function of a bureaucratic sensibility that distinguishes ?state policy? from ?community politics,? and resource conservation from social justice, an attitude that has hardened with economic liberalisation. This perspective has prevented the government from taking seriously artisanal fisher demands for trawler regulation and from recognizing artisanal activism as a defense of both sectoral rights and of conservation.},
	author = {Subramanian, Ajantha}
}
@article {63721,
	title = {Democracy Without Parties? Political Parties and Regime Change in Fujimori{\textquoteright}s Peru},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Nov 1, 2003},
	abstract = {Political parties are critical to Latin American democracy. This was demonstrated in Peru, where an atomized, candidate{\textendash}centered party system developed after Alberto Fujimori?s 1992 presidential self{\textendash}coup. Party system decomposition weakened the democratic opposition against an increasingly authoritarian regime. Since the regime collapsed in 2000, prospects for party rebuilding have been mixed. Structural changes, such as the growth of the informal sector and the spread of mass media technologies, have weakened politicians? incentive to build parties. Although these changes did not cause the collapse of the party system, they may inhibit its reconstruction.},
	author = {Levitsky, Steven}
}
@article {63391,
	title = {Do Muslims Engage in More Domestic Conflict Than Other Religious Groups?},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2003},
	abstract = {This article examines the validity of the stereotypical idea which is not endorsed here, that Muslim groups are more violent than groups of other religions, using data on domestic conflict from 1950 to 1996 from the State Failure dataset. The theories of Islam and violence in the literature can be divided into three categories: those that say Muslims in general are more violent, those that say certain Muslims are more violent, and those that say Muslims are no more violent that other religious groups. The results show that while on some measures Muslim groups are more violent that other groups, on others they are not. That is, while on one measure Muslim groups show the highest levels of violence, on other measures, Christians and Buddhist groups score the highest. Thus, while there is some evidence that Musclim groups are more violent, it is not conclusive and is certainly not enough to support the stereotype of the Islamic militant.
 Civil Wars, Vol.6, No. 1 (Spring 2003), pp.27-46},
	author = {Jonathon Fox}
}
@article {63336,
	title = {Experience of and Lessons from Exchange Rate Regimes in Emerging Economies},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 1, 2003},
	abstract = {This paper was written for Monetary and Financial Cooperation in East Asia, Macmillan Press, 2003, in consultation with the Regional Economic Monitoring Unit of the Asian Development Bank, and Takatoshi Ito and Yung Chul Park, coordinators of the ADB core study on exchange rate arrangements. The author would like to thank Sergio Schmukler for preparing Table 3.
The paper reviews recent trends in thinking on exchange rate regimes. It begins by classifying countries into regimes, noting the distinction between de facto and de jure regimes, but also noting the low correlation among proposed ways of classifying the latter. The advantages of fixed exchange rates versus floating are reviewed, including the recent evidence on the trade{\textendash}promoting effects of currency unions. Frameworks for tallying up the pros and cons include the traditional Optimum Currency Area criteria, as well as some new criteria from the experiences of the 1990s. The Corners Hypothesis may now be "peaking" as rapidly as it rose, in light of its lack of foundations. Empirical evidence regarding the economic performance of different regimes depends entirely on the classification scheme. A listing of possible nominal anchors alongside exchange rates observes that each candidate has its own vulnerability, leading to the author?s proposal to Peg the Export Price (PEP). The concluding section offers some implications for East Asia.},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {63711,
	title = {From Labor Politics to Machine Politics: The Transformation of Party-Union Linkages in Argentine Peronism, 1983?1999},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 1, 2003},
	abstract = {The Argentine (Peronist) Justicialista Party (PJ)** underwent a far{\textendash}reaching coalitional transformation during the 1980s and 1990s. Party reformers dismantled Peronism?s traditional mechanisms of labor participation, and clientelist networks replaced unions as the primary linkage to the working and lower classes. By the early 1990s, the PJ had transformed from a labor{\textendash}dominated party into a machine party in which unions were relatively marginal actors. This process of de{\textendash}unionization was critical to the PJ?s electoral and policy success during the presidency of Carlos Menem (1989{\textendash}99). The erosion of union influ{\textendash}ence facilitated efforts to attract middle{\textendash}class votes and eliminated a key source of internal opposition to the government?s economic reforms. At the same time, the consolidation of clientelist networks helped the PJ maintain its traditional work{\textendash}ing{\textendash} and lower{\textendash}class base in a context of economic crisis and neoliberal reform. This article argues that Peronism?s radical de{\textendash}unionization was facilitated by the weakly institutionalized nature of its traditional party{\textendash}union linkage. Although unions dominated the PJ in the early 1980s, the rules of the game governing their participation were always informal, fluid, and contested, leaving them vulner{\textendash}able to internal changes in the distribution of power. Such a change occurred during the 1980s, when office{\textendash}holding politicians used patronage resources to challenge labor?s privileged position in the party. When these politicians gained control of the party in 1987, Peronism?s weakly institutionalized mechanisms of union participation collapsed, paving the way for the consolidation of machine politics{\textendash}and a steep decline in union influence{\textendash}during the 1990s.},
	author = {Levitsky, Steven}
}
@article {63486,
	title = {How Damaging is the Transatlantic Rift?},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2003},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {66526,
	title = {Inequality in the World Polity: The Structure of International Organization},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 2003},
	abstract = {Recent research reveals strong effects of involvement in international organizations on state policies, but much of this research downplays inequality in world political participation, and there is only a limited understanding of what explains world-polity ties. Using data on memberships in intergovernmental and international non-governmental organizations (IGOs and INGOs) for 1960 through 2000, this study analyzes inequality in the world polity. IGO ties are fairly evenly distributed, but the level of inequality in INGO ties is as high as the level of world income inequality. Since 1960, inequality in ties to IGOs decreased sharply, but inequality in ties to INGOs remained more stable. A conflict-centered model of the world polity is developed here that explains world political participation as a function of material and symbolic conflict. Rich, core, Western states and societies have significantly more ties to the world polity than do others. Powerful states dominate IGOs less now than they did in 1960, but rich, core, Western societies have grown more dominant in the INGO field.},
	author = {Beckfield, Jason}
}
@article {63901,
	title = {Institutions, Capital Constraints and Entrepreneurial Firm Dynamics: Evidence from Europe},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Nov 1, 2003},
	abstract = {We explore the impact of the institutional environment on the nature of entrepreneurial activity across Europe. Political, legal, and regulatory variables that have been shown to impact capital market development influence entrepreneurial activity in the emerging markets of Europe, but not in the more mature economies of Europe. Greater fairness and greater protection of property rights increase entry rates, reduce exit rates, and lower average firm size. Additionally, these same factors also associated with increased industrial vintage {\textendash} a size{\textendash}weighted measure of age {\textendash} and reduced skewness in firm{\textendash}size distributions. The results suggest that capital constraints induced by these institutional factors impact both entry and the ability of firms to transition and grow, particularly in lesser{\textendash}developed markets.},
	author = {Desai, Mihir A.}
}
@article {63541,
	title = {Iraq{\textquoteright}s Currency Solution? Tie the Dinar to Oil},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 23, 2003},
	abstract = {Well{\textendash}functioning monetary arrangements are as important as other aspects of the infrastructure, in putting Iraq back on the road of economic development. After the unification of the two kinds of dinars that have been circulating, the next order of business will be to decide what should determine the value of the currency. What exchange rate regime is appropriate for Iraq, at this key juncture in its history?},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {63731,
	title = {Mukkuvar Modernity: Development as a Cultural Identity},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2003},
	abstract = {In the general elections of 1996, a village of Catholic fishers from the south Indian district of Kanyakumari voted overwhelmingly for the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party. In this essay, I explore the cultural politics of development that led to this curious alliance between a group of low caste (Mukkuvar) Catholics and a majoritarian politics that has consistently defined India?s Christians and Muslims as alien threats to the "Hindu nation."},
	author = {Subramanian, Ajantha}
}
@article {63376,
	title = {Reframing HIV and AIDS},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Nov 8, 2003},
	abstract = {(From BMJ, Volume 327, 8 November 2003)
Over the past 20 years, the public health community has learnt a tremendous amount about the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Yet,despite widespread discussion about the epidemic and some measurable progress,the overall response has been insufficient: globally 42 million people are already infected with HIV, prevalence continues to rise,and less than 5\% of those affected have access to lifesaving medicines. In the face of this growing crisis, the World Health Organization has made scaling up treatment a key priority of the new administration. We argue that not only is the HIV/AIDS epidemic an emergency, but its devastating effects on societies may qualify it as one of the most serious disasters to have affected humankind. As such, this crisis warrants a full disaster management response.},
	author = {Leaning, Jennifer}
}
@article {63346,
	title = {Republican and Democratic Presidents Have Switched Economic Policies},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2003},
	abstract = {[This article expands on ideas in an op{\textendash}ed that appeared in the Financial Times, September 13, 2002. The author would like to thank for useful comments Jack Frankel, Bill Gale, Jeff Liebman, Arnold Kling and Peter Orszag.]
Almost overnight, the Bush Administration has thrown away long{\textendash}sought and hard{\textendash}fought budget balance. Official projections from the Congressional Budget Office now show renewed federal budget deficits lasting well into the future, contrary to what was forecast by the White House forecasts when passing its tax cuts. The projected cumulated 10{\textendash}year surplus has been slashed by more than half, relative to CBO?s last forecast in March. The truth is in fact worse than that, for many reasons. How did this happen? How did the Republican Party, long associated with fiscal conservatism, come to preside over so large a deviation from good economic policy?},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {63251,
	title = {State Failure and the Clash of Civilizations: An Examination of the Magnitude and Extent of Domestic Civilisational Conflict from 1950 to 1996},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 2003},
	abstract = {This study quantitatively examines Samuel Huntington?s ?clash of civilisations? theory using data from the State Failure dataset which focuses on intense and violent internal conflicts between 1950 and 1996. The proportion of state failures which are civilisational has remained mostly constant since 1965. The absolute amount of civilisational conflict has dropped considerably since the end of the Cold War. There is no clear evidence that the overall intensity of civilisational state failures is increasing in proportion to non{\textendash}civilisational state failures. Also, the predictions of Islam?s ?bloody borders? and the Confucian/Sinic{\textendash}Islamic alliance against the West have not yet occurred. In fact, Islamic groups ?clash? mostly with other Islamic groups. However, the majority of the West?s civilisational conflicts, during the Cold War and to a lesser extent after it, are with the Islamic civilisation. Thus it is arguable that untington?s prediction that the Islamic civilisation is a potential threat to the West is probably more due to the end of the relevance of the Cold War paradigm than any post{\textendash}Cold War changes in the nature of conflict. This highlights the potential influence of paradigms on policy and should serve as a caution to academics and policy makers to be more aware of the assumptions they make based on any paradigm.},
	author = {Jonathan Fox}
}
@article {63256,
	title = {Trends in Low Intensity Ethnic Conflict in Democratic States in the Post-Cold War Era: A Large N Study},
	year = {2003},
	month = {Mar 1, 2003},
	abstract = {Review of International Affairs 2(3) Spring 2003, 54-70},
	author = {Jonathan Fox}
}
@article {63366,
	title = {What Can an Economic Adviser Do When He Disagrees with the President?},
	year = {2003},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 31, 2003},
	abstract = {Assuming he is confirmed by the Senate, Greg Mankiw, a leading Harvard economics professor, will soon be the new Chairman of President Bush?s Council of Economic Advisers. The president should be congratulated for such an outstanding choice. Mankiw may need some advice, however {\textemdash} a historical perspective, in particular, on what an adviser can do when official White House policy goes contrary to his convictions as a professional economist. Of course, it would be a remarkable coincidence if any president accepted every position that his economic advisers had taken on every issue. But there are likely to be especially large divergences between this president and good economics as represented, for example, by Mankiw?s own very popular textbook. This is why I am concerned. I am thinking of such issues as budget deficits, steel tariffs, agricultural subsidies, and conflict with the Fed. He will be joining an NEC director and Treasury secretary who have already been asked to sell a shift toward budget deficits that appears inconsistent with their past views. But it is possible for a Treasury Secretary or an Assistant to the President to toe the party line while in office, and then confess later that this did not entirely correspond to his true beliefs. (On the subject of budget deficits, see the memoirs of David Stockman and Richard Darman, for example, who were, respectively, Budget Director and Assistant to the President in the first Reagan Administration.) A professor of economics like Mankiw, who plans to return to Harvard after his service as a White House advisor, cannot engage in such inconsistencies, without risking losing some of the professional credibility that is so important to an academic career. Indeed, this truth{\textendash}telling constraint may be the most valuable advantage of having a Council of Economic Advisers, and may explain why Congress legislated the institution in the first place. Encumbered by academic reputations, they are unencumbered by long{\textendash}term political careers. It might help to know the variety of strategies tried by past economic advisers, when they have found themselves disagreeing with the president. The history may be especially instructive in that often the disagreements have been over some of the same issues likely to come up in the current administration.},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {765921,
	title = {The Bridging and Bonding Role of Online Communities},
	journal = {The Harvard International Journal of  Press-Politics},
	volume = {7},
	number = {3},
	year = {2002},
	pages = {3-8},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765926,
	title = {Social Capital and the News Media},
	journal = {The Harvard International Journal of Press-Politics},
	volume = {7},
	number = {2},
	year = {2002},
	pages = {3-8},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {765916,
	title = {The Twilight of Westminster? Electoral Reform and its Consequences},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	number = {49},
	year = {2002},
	pages = {877-900},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {64361,
	title = {Negotiating Welfare Reforms: Actors and Institutions in Japan},
	year = {2002},
	month = {Jan 1, 2002},
	abstract = {In Sven Steinmo and Bo Rothstein eds. Institutionalism and Welfare Reforms (Palgrave 2002)During the 1990s, Japan simultaneously expanded and cut benefits in different programs. In doing so, the Japanese case casts doubts upon facile assumption that the welfare state goes through separate phases of expansion and retrenchment. What seems to be happening in Japan is an overall reshuffling of costs and benefits within the welfare state.Welfare reforms are difficult, because, as Esping{\textendash}Andersen (1996) and Pierson (1994) have pointed out, welfare states produce groups with stakes in the status quo. Some institutions, however, make it easier to reform the welfare state (cf. Bonoli 2000: Bonoli and Palier 2000; Pierson ed. 2001). Visser and Hemerijick (1997), for instance, show how the Dutch transformed their welfare state by drawing upon a corporatist social partnership. I look at the noncorporatist country, Japan, to examine why some reforms were possible and some not.},
	author = {Est{\'e}vez-Abe, Margarita}
}
@article {63406,
	title = {On the Political Economy of Temporary Stabilization Programs},
	year = {2002},
	month = {Jul 1, 2002},
	abstract = {This paper provides a political economy explanation for temporary exchange{\textendash}rate{\textendash}based stabilization programs by focusing on the distributional effects of real exchange{\textendash}rate appreciation. I propose an economy in which agents are endowed with either tradable or nontradable goods. Under a cash{\textendash}in{\textendash}advance assumption, a temporary reduction in the devaluation rate induces a consumption boom accompanied by real appreciation, which hurts the owners of tradable goods. The owners of nontradables have to weigh two opposing effects: an increase in the present value of nontradable goods wealth and a negative intertemporal substitution effect. For reasonable parameter values, owners of nontradables are better off.},
	author = {Alfaro, Laura}
}
@article {63186,
	title = {Globalization and Culture},
	year = {2002},
	abstract = {Globalization is the process by which the experience of everyday life, marked by the diffusion of commodities and ideas, is becoming standardized around the world. Extreme views of this process stress the destruction of local cultures and the homogenization of life styles, caused by the spread of American and Japanese popular culture. This article reviews arguments for and against the cultural imperialism hypothesis, and concludes that globalization is in the eyes of the beholder. An anthropological approach to these issues hinges upon the distinction between form and content (or outward appearance versus internal meaning). Does the appearance of a McDonald{\textquoteright}s restaurant necessarily imply that local consumers are being Americanized? Many commentators, notably journalists and politicians, confuse form with content and do not look closely at the ways ordinary people incorporate global influences into their everyday lives. This article examines several cultural systems that are said to foster globalization: fast food, film, television, style, pop music, and the internet.},
	author = {Watson, James L.}
}
@article {63776,
	title = {Are Endowments Fate?},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 1, 2002},
	abstract = {In recent theories of comparative development the role of institutional differences has been crucial. Yet what explains comparative institutional evolution? We investigate this issue by studying the coffee exporting economies of Latin America. While homogeneous in many ways, they experienced radically different paths of economic (and political) development which is conventional traced to the differential organization of the coffee industry. We show that the different forms that the coffee economy took in the 19th century was critically determined by the legal environment determining access to land, and that different laws resulted from differences in the nature of political competition. Our analysis suggests that explanations of institutional differences which stress economic fundamentals can only be part of the story. At least in the economies we study, while geography, factor endowments and technology are clearly important, their implications for the institutional structure and thus development are conditional on the form that political competition takes in society. Endowments are not fate.
CEPR Discussion Papers 3206, Centre for Economic Policy Research, February 2002.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {64131,
	title = {Capacity, Commitment, and Compliance: International Law and the Settlement of Territorial Disputes},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2002},
	abstract = {Why should governments delegate decision{\textendash}making authority over territorial issues to an international institution? This study argues that governments are motivated to reach territorial solutions to reduce the opportunity costs associated with a festering dispute. The evidence suggests that domestic political incapacity to negotiate concessions is associated with a commitment to arbitrate. Compliance is a function of the net costs and benefits involved in accepting the arbitral decision. These costs include the loss of valuable territory, but noncompliance also exacts costs with respect to governments? reputation, both domestically and internationally. This research speaks to a broader debate about the role of international legal institutions in foreign policy making and international outcomes. It shows that governments have good reasons, under certain political and economic conditions, to use international legal processes as a substitute for domestic political decision making.
Journal of Conflict Resolution 46, no. 6 (2002): 829-856.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {62976,
	title = {China{\textquoteright}s War on Cults},
	journal = {Current History},
	volume = {101},
	number = {656},
	year = {2002},
	month = {Sep 1, 2002},
	pages = {259-268},
	abstract = {The Chinese government{\textquoteright}s nationwide campaign to exterminate the Falun Gong meditation group has inaugurated a new era in Communist Party rule. The 1990s were shrouded by the shadow of Tiananmen, but today it is the campaign against "evil cults," or as most Westerners view it, religious repression, that casts the shadow. But the regime{\textquoteright}s war on cults extends far beyond the Falun Gong. Dozens of unofficial religious and spiritual groups have sprouted across the country in recent decades, creating followings of up to several million adherents. China{\textquoteright}s central government has labeled at least 15 such groups "evil cults," yet most continue to operate and even to expand.},
	author = {Jason Kindopp}
}
@article {63341,
	title = {Currency Blocs and Market Integration: Implications for Trade and Business Cycle Correlations},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 31, 2002},
	abstract = {Recent econometric estimates suggest that currency unions have far greater effects on trade patterns than previously believed. Since currency unions are good for trade, and trade is good for growth, that is one major argument in favor of EMU. If there were evidence that the boost to trade within EMU was likely to come in part at the expense of trade with outsiders, that would imply something stronger, for a neighbor such as the United Kingdom: that life outside EMU would get progressively less attractive in the future. But there is no such evidence, either for currency unions in general (according to Frankel{\textendash}Rose) or for the first three years of EMU in particular (according to Micco, Stein, and Ordo{\~n}ez). Furthermore, there are the usual countervailing arguments for retaining monetary independence, particularly the famous asymmetric shocks. One possible argument for waiting is that UK trade with euroland is still increasing, probably due to lagged effects of joining the EU and the Single Market initiative. Estimates suggest that the growing trade links in turn lead to growing cyclical correlation. The implication is that the UK may better qualify for the optimum currency area criteria in the future than in the past. On the other hand, if, as a result of waiting to enter, London loses to Frankfurt its position as the leading financial center in the European time zone, that loss may not be readily recoverable in the future.},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {63221,
	title = {Ethical Analysis in Public Health},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 23, 2002},
	abstract = {Public{\textendash}health regularly encounters serious ethical dilemmas, such as rationing scarce resources, influencing individuals to change their behaviour, and limiting freedom to diminish disease transmission. Yet unlike medical ethics, there is no agreed{\textendash}upon framework for analysing these difficulties. We offer such a framework. It distinguishes three philosophical views, often invoked in public{\textendash}health discourse: positions based on outcomes (utilitarianism), positions focused on rights and opportunities (liberalism), and views that emphasise character and virtue (communitarianism). We explore critical variations within each approach, and identify practical problems that arise in addressing the ethical dimensions of health policy. We conclude by examining challenges posed by the feminist argument of ethics{\textendash}of{\textendash}care and by postmodern views about the nature of ethics. Health professionals need enhanced skills in applied philosophy to improve the coherence, transparency, and quality of public deliberations over ethical issues inherent in health policy.},
	author = {Reich, Michael R.}
}
@article {63161,
	title = {The Human Dimensions of Pollution Policy Implementation: Air Quality in Rural China},
	journal = {Journal of Contemporary China},
	volume = {32},
	year = {2002},
	month = {Sep 1, 2002},
	pages = {1-21},
	abstract = {The government of the People{\textquoteright}s Republic of China has become increasingly concerned with its serious environmental problems over the past decade. One study suggests that as of the mid 1990{\textquoteright}s, urban air and water pollution alone cost the Chinese economy US $32.3 billion annually in premature deaths, morbidity, restricted activity, chronic bronchitis and other heath effects, which is equal to more than 9 percent of Gross National Product. That study estimates that 110,000 premature deaths occur each year, primarily in rural areas, as a result of indoor air pollution. General assessments of China{\textquoteright}s environmental problems run a range from the alarmist to the cautionary, but all agree that the problems are very serious. In response, the Chinese government has taken a number of important and innovative policy steps to improve the situation. China was the first country to pass a national Agenda 21 policy. The PRC first established a leadership group on the environment under the State Council in 1974, and has repeatedly strengthened its institutional commitment to the environment since then. In 1998 this culminated in the creation of the ministerial{\textendash}level State Environmental Protection Administration (SEPA) out of the former National Environmental Protection Agency (NEPA). The concern for environmental protection is now shown in five{\textendash}year plans and through the overhaul and strengthening of environmental laws. Recent years have also seen the initiation of high profile environmental campaigns, such as that restricting the use of leaded gasoline in large cities and that promoting reforestation in the aftermath of the Yangzi River floods of 1998. Yet the Chinese state has also been plagued with problems in implementing and enforcing its environmental policies, especially in rural areas. Serious local environmental abuse regularly occurs, especially where there are overpowering economic incentives to exploit the environment for immediate gain {\textemdash} it is not uncommon, for example, to see people causing serious erosion by opening steep slopes (beyond the 25{\textendash}degree legal maximum) to agriculture in poor areas, or losing windbreaks by illegally harvesting roadside trees for firewood. Large, state{\textendash}owned enterprises, often utilizing antiquated equipment, collective enterprises, which often create income for local governments (including street committees in urban areas) and township{\textendash}village enterprises, which may lack adequate funds for clean production, are also all often polluting. This article reports the initial results of a collaborative project on the successes and failures of environmental policy implementation in Anqing, a small city and its rural hinterland on the Yangzi River in southern Anhui province. Our goal has been to learn when and how local citizens become environmentally responsible, and to draw appropriate lessons for policy. This includes two broad topics: First, we show how citizens receive basic environmental knowledge through schools, the media, local meetings, or personal experience (such as health problems). Specifically, the sections that follow examine the hypotheses that environmental awareness comes from the experience of environmental problems, from environmental education, or from increased wealth. Second, we consider whether people are able to act on that knowledge through their economic choices or their political and legal options. We discuss in particular the roles of recent legal reforms and local elections.},
	author = {Alford, William P.}
}
@article {63816,
	title = {Institutional Causes, Macroeconomic Symptoms: Volatility, Crises and Growth},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 1, 2002},
	abstract = {Countries that have pursued distortionary macroeconomic policies, including high inflation, large budget deficits and misaligned exchange rates, appear to have suffered more macroeconomic volatility and also grown more slowly during the postwar period. Does this reflect the casual effect of these macroeconomic policies on economic outcomes? One reason to suspect that the answer may be no is that countries pursuing poor macroeconomic policies also have weak "institution," including political institutions that do not constrain politicians and political elites, ineffective enforcement of property rights for investors, widespread corruption, and a high degree of political instability.
This paper documents that countries that inherited more "extractive" institutions from their colonial past were more likely to experience high volatility and economic crises during the postwar period. More specifically, societies where European colonists faced high mortality rates more than 100 years ago are much more volatile and prone to crises. Based on our previous work, we interpret this relationship as due to the casual effect of institutions on economic outcomes: Europeans did not settle and were more likely to set up extractive institutions in areas where they faced high mortality. Once we control for the effect of institutions, macroeconomic policies appear to have only a minor impact on volatility and crises. This suggests that distortionary macroeconomic policies are more likely to be symptoms of underlying institutional problems rather than the main causes of economic volatility, and also that the effects of institutional differences on volatility do not appear to be primarily mediated by any of the standard macroeconomic variables. Instead, it appears that weak institutions cause volatility through a number of microeconomic, as well as microeconomic, channels.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {64016,
	title = {Interactive Problem Solving: Informal Mediation by the Scholar-Practitioner},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 1, 2002},
	abstract = {For some years, my colleagues and I have been actively engaged in the development and application of an approach to the resolution of international conflicts for which we use the term {\textquoteleft}interactive problem{\textendash}solving{\textquoteright}. The fullest {\textendash} indeed, the paradigmatic {\textendash} application of the approach is represented by problem{\textendash}solving workshops (Kelman, 1972, 1979, 1992, 1996b; Kelman and Cohen, 1986), although it involves a variety of other activities as well. In fact, I have increasingly come to see interactive problem{\textendash}solving as an approach to the macro{\textendash}processes of international conflict resolution, in which problem{\textendash}solving workshops and similar micro{\textendash}level activities are integrally related to official diplomacy (Kelman, 1996a).
The approach derives most directly from the work of John Burton (1969, 1979, 1984). While my work follows the general principles laid out by Burton, it has evolved in its own directions, in keeping with my own disciplinary background, my particular style, and the cases on which I have focused my attention. My work has concentrated since 1974 on the Arab{\textendash}Israeli conflict, and particularly on the Israeli{\textendash}Palestinian component of that conflict. I have also done some work, however, on the Cyprus conflict and have maintained an active interest in several other intense, protracted identity conflicts at the international or intercommunal level, such as the conflicts in Bosnia, Sri Lanka, and Northern Ireland.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {62986,
	title = {Islamic Mobilization: Social Movement Theory and the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood},
	journal = {The Sociological Quarterly},
	volume = {42},
	number = {4},
	year = {2002},
	month = {Sep 1, 2002},
	pages = {1-44},
	abstract = {This article evaluates the emergence and growth of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from the 1930{\textquoteright}s through the 1950{\textquoteright}s. It begins by outlining and empirically examining possible explanations for the organization{\textquoteright}s growth based on (1) theories of political Islam and (2) the concept of political opportunity structure in social movement theory. An extension of these approaches is suggested based on data from organizational documents and declassified U.S. State Department files from this period. The successful mobilization of the Muslim Brotherhood was possible because of the way its Islamic message was tied to its organizational structure, activities, and strategies and the everyday lives of Egyptians. The analysis suggests that ideas are integrated into social movements in more ways than the concept of framing allows for. It also broadens our understanding of how organizations can arise in highly repressive environments.},
	author = {Ziad Munson}
}
@article {63191,
	title = {La pol{\'\i}tica de los Estados Unidos hacia Cuba durante la segunda presidencia de Clinton},
	journal = {Palabra Nueva},
	year = {2002},
	month = {Sep 1, 2002},
	pages = {26-43},
	abstract = {{\textquestiondown}Es posible imaginar relaciones "formales, correctas y pac{\'\i}ficas" entre Estados Unidos y Cuba?... Junto a los esfuerzos por promover cambios pol{\'\i}ticos en Cuba, se han dado en las diferentes administraciones de Estados Unidos algunas manifestaciones de flexibilizaci{\'o}n ante la posibilidad de crisis mayores.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {63396,
	title = {Lessons on Religion and Conflict Resolution Based on Empirical Studies of Religion and Conflict},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {May 27, 2002},
	abstract = {The role of religion in conflict has, of late, been attracting increasing attention in academic, media and policy{\textendash}making circles. Academic literature on the topic can well be called a growth inductry. As is the case with academic literature on other aspects of conflict, the study of religion and conflict is dividing itself in two: the causes of conflict and how to resolve conflict. Despite some rare exceptions such as Appleby (2000), seldom do those who address one of these branches of the field also address the other. (For a discussion on why the social sciences have ignored these issues see Fox, 2001d). This is cleary not an ideal situation for the pursuit of knowledge on so important a topic.

This paper seeks to build a bridge between those who study why conflicts occur and those who study how to solve them. It focuses on lessons learned from empirical studies on religion and conflict.
 Religion and Conflict Resolution, Proceedings of an International Conference Held at Bar-Ilan University, May 27-28, 2002},
	author = {Jonathan Fox}
}
@article {62771,
	title = {The Neglected Epidemic: Road Traffic Injuries in Developing Countries},
	journal = {British Medical Journal},
	volume = {324},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {May 11, 2002},
	pages = {1139-1141},
	abstract = {Road traffic injuries are a major cause of death and disability globally, with a disproportionate number occurring in developing countries. Road traffic injuries are currently ranked ninth globally among the leading causes of disability adjusted life years lost, and the ranking is projected to rise to third by 2020. In 1998, developing countries accounted for more than 85\% of all deaths due to road traffic crashes globally and for 96\% of all children killed. Moreover, about 90\% of the disability adjusted life years lost worldwide due to road traffic injuries occur in developing countries. The problem is increasing at a fast rate in developing countries due to rapid motorisation and other factors. However, public policy responses to this epidemic have been muted at national and international levels. Policy makers need to recognise this growing problem as a public health crisis and design appropriate policy responses.},
	author = {Reich, Michael R.}
}
@article {63831,
	title = {The Political Economy of the Kuznets Curve},
	year = {2002},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jun 1, 2002},
	abstract = {The paper provides a political economy theory of the Kuznets curve. When development leads to increasing inequality, this can induce political instability and force democratization on political elites. Democratization leads to institutional changes which encourage redistribution and reduce inequality. Nevertheless, development does not necessarily induce a Kuznets curve, and it is shown that development may be associated with two types of nondemocratic paths: an "autocratic disaster," with high inequality and low output, and an "East Asian Miracle," with low inequality and high output. These arise either because inequality does not increase with development, or because the degree of political mobilization is low.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63226,
	title = {The Politics of Reforming Health Policies},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2002},
	abstract = {Three main questions were raised at the IUHPE conference in June 2002 on "new dimensions in promoting health," with a particular focus on the process of policy change: ? How should people with an interest in promoting health across sectors approach the policy change process? ? What skills are needed to engage in the policy change process? ? How do we build collaborations across the policy arenas? In short,the answer to all three of these questions is "politics." First, the policy change process needs to be approached through politics. Second,engagement in policy change requires political skills. And third, collaboration across policy arenas requires management of the political process. A decade ago, in his election campaign for President of the United States, Bill Clinton made famous the slogan, "It?s the economy, stupid!" He plastered those words on the wall of his campaign headquarters in Little Rock, Arkansas, to remind him and his supporters that winning the election required a focus on economic promises. But the policy change process is driven itself by politics. Indeed, more attention by Bill and Hillary Clinton to the politics of health care {\textemdash} from "it?s the economy, stupid," to "it ?s the politics, stupid!" {\textemdash} might have improved their chances of passing health reform in the United States in 1994. The failure of the Clinton reform plan highlights the importance of the political process for promoting policy change, and the risks of underestimating political challenges. This article first reviews three political themes about the policy reform process, and then presents a systematic approach to the development of political strategies for reform, using examples of health policy.},
	author = {Reich, Michael R.}
}
@article {63351,
	title = {Promoting Better National Institutions: The Role of the IMF},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Nov 11, 2002},
	abstract = {[Third Annual IMF Research Conference, Washington, DC, November 7?8, 2002.]
What do we mean by institutions? The generality of the word cries out for a definition. I am not going to attempt it. A narrow interpretation would consist of only specific legal bodies or procedural mechanisms. Examples include regulatory agencies (e.g., Securities and Exchange Commissions), standards{\textendash}setting bodies (e.g., for accounting), and what are sometimes called "commitment devices" (currency boards, guarantees of central bank independence, balanced budget amendments, the Stability and Growth Pact, etc.). A broad definition would include everything about a society that is more detailed than the basic theoretical model in a graduate economics textbook: from the existence of efficiency wages and a six{\textendash}month gold futures market, to culture. The notion of institutional quality that has become common in the growth literature lies at an intermediate level of generality, and pertains to Property rights and Rule of Law. I am happy to accept that usage. But, before I turn to it, I want to flag the wide variety of issues that could be termed institutional, and to observe that they may not necessarily all be correlated. For example, democracy is on many people?s list. But the commitment devices I named (currency boards, independent CBs, Stability Pact), are distinctive for being institutions that prevent macroeconomic policy from being determined in "too democratic" a manner.},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {63531,
	title = {Real Sources of European Currency Policy: Sectoral Interests and European Monetary Integration},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 2002},
	author = {Frieden, Jeffry}
}
@article {63231,
	title = {Reshaping the State from Above, from Within, from Below: Implications for Public Health},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 2002},
	abstract = {The modern state is being reshaped by multiple forces acting simultaneously. From above, the state is actively constrained by agreements promoted by international agencies and by the power of multinational corporations. From within, the state is being reshaped by increasing trends toward marketization and by problems of corruption. From below, the state{\textquoteright}s role is being diminished by the expansion of decentralization and by the rising influence of non{\textendash}governmental organizations. This article explores these three sets of processes {\textemdash} from above, from within, and from below {\textemdash} and suggests some implications for public health. Public health professionals require an understanding of the changing nature of the state, because of the consequences for thinking about the metaphors, solutions, and strategies for public health.},
	author = {Reich, Michael R.}
}
@article {64146,
	title = {To Settle or Empanel? An Empirical Analysis of Litigation and Settlement at the WTO},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 23, 2002},
	abstract = {This paper seeks to understand the factors that cause disputes at the World Trade Organization to move from the negotiation stage to the panel stage. We hypothesize that transfer payments between states are costly to arrange and that the lowest{\textendash}cost transfers are those that relate directly to the issue in dispute. This implies that when the subject matter of the dispute has an all{\textendash}or{\textendash}nothing character and leaves little room for compromise (for example, health and safety regulations), the parties? ability to reach an agreement through the use of transfers is restricted. In contrast, if the subject matter of dispute permits greater flexibility (for example, tariff rates), the parties can more easily structure appropriate transfer payments through adjustments to the disputed variable. We conduct an empirical test of this hypothesis, finding support for it among democratic states.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63331,
	title = {Trade and Territorial Conflict: International Borders as Institutions},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {May 1, 2002},
	abstract = {International borders are usefully conceptualized as international political institutions that provide joint gains for the polities whose jurisdictions they distinguish. Far from irrelevant in an age of globalization, settled political borders help to make economic integration possible. But the international relations literature that focuses on territorial disputes has put too much emphasis on territory per se and far too little on the institutions of boundary settlement that produce joint gains. Students of international politics have cast the issues relating to territorial settlement in overly zero{\textendash}sum terms, and may very well be missing an important impetus to conflict resolution in many cases. This paper shows empirically for the case of Latin America that territorial and border disputes entail opportunity costs (operationalized here as bilateral trade foregone). Mutually accepted borders mitigate these costs by reducing uncertainty, transactions costs, and other bilateral externalities of disputing. Theories of territorial settlement should take into account the possibility of such joint gains in their models of state dispute behavior.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63386,
	title = {Was the Afghan Conflict a Just War?},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	abstract = {Wars fought to redress grievous wrongs or put a stop to evil have been termed "just wars." The concept has its origins in classical and theological philosophy and was explicit in the Christian ethics of Saint Augustine. Just war theory describes narrow circumstances and tight constraints on the ends and means that are required to apply this term. Although Western law has slowly come to accept war as an inevitable instrument of national policy and turned its attention to setting standards for the conduct of war, important echoes of just war theory remain. A distinction was made at Nuremberg, and later embedded in articles 2 and 51 of the United Nations charter, between unacceptable aggressive war and acceptable wars of self defence. Contemporary arguments about particular wars still rely on the seven main principles of just war theory. Application of these principles to the conflict in Afghanistan does not settle the debate but it might help to structure the discussion.},
	author = {Leaning, Jennifer}
}
@article {63326,
	title = {Why Commit? Explaining State Acceptance of International Human Rights Obligations},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {May 1, 2002},
	abstract = {This research note presents evidence on the conditions that influence governments? decisions to commit themselves to international human rights regimes. Are governments pressured by powerful state actors to make such commitments, as some realists have suggested? Or rather do governments to cede the right to review internal rights policies to external authorities as the result of socialization through persuasion? What role do domestic political conditions and institutions play? This research note offers empirical evidence that addresses these issues. Using global data relating to the six "core" UN human rights treaties, I find the strongest evidence of external socialization, although governments presiding over common law legal systems tend to resist formalizing their rights commitments in external treaty form. There is little evidence of democratic "lock{\textendash}in" using these data, although this remains a persuasive interpretation of the origins of the European human rights regime.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63356,
	title = {You{\textquoteright}re Getting Warmer: The Most Feasible Path for Addressing Global Climate Change Does Run Through Kyoto},
	year = {2002},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 25, 2002},
	abstract = {When I first arrived at the White House in September 1996, I had no idea that one of the issues on which I would spend the most time during my period as a Member of President Clinton?s Council of Economic Advisers was global climate change. But Under Secretary of State Tim Wirth had the month before announced a major change in policy: that the United States would in multilateral negotiations now support "legally binding" quantitative targets for the emission of greenhouse gases. This left 15 months for the US Administration to decide what kind of specifics it wanted, at the Third Conference of Parties of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), scheduled for November 1997 in Kyoto. Because other countries take their cue from the superpower (whether it is to support or oppose US positions), this countdown engendered a certain amount of suspense: What specifically would the U.S. propose at the Kyoto Conference, most notably regarding how the numerical targets should be determined? Outsiders demanded to know {\textendash}with particular tenacity in the case of the U.S. Congress, who feared the worst. I was a member of a large inter{\textendash}agency group that worked intensively on what was to become the Kyoto Protocol. I never thought that the agreement had a large chance of being ratified by the U.S. Senate, or of coming into force in a serious way. There were too many unbridgeable political chasms, as I will explain. Furthermore I understand the reasons why almost all economists, at least in the United States, disapprove of the Kyoto Protocol. Nevertheless, I am prepared to defend the Clinton version of the treaty, and I believe it was a step in the right direction. I will begin by noting that the weight of scientific opinion seems indeed to have concluded that the Earth is getting warmer, that increasing concentrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases are the major cause, and that anthropogenic emissions are in turn responsible. I am not a scientist. But the latest IPCC report concludes "The globally averaged surface temperature is projected to increase by 1.4 to 5.8 degrees Celsius" over the period 1990 to 2100, and "global mean sea level is projected to rise by 0.09 to 0.88 metres." The evidence has become clearer over the last ten or twenty years. President George Bush, the Second, made a big mistake when he initially allied himself with the minority of disbelievers. It was a political mistake if nothing else. Even granting that the incoming administration in 2001 did not want to pursue Kyoto, it was foolish and unnecessary for the White House to dismiss the climate change problem. This paper will take as given that the problem of global climate change is genuine, and is sufficiently important to be worth addressing by steps that are more than cosmetic. Because the externality is purely global {\textendash} a ton of carbon emitted into the air, no matter where in the world, has the same global warming potential {\textendash} the approach must be multilateral. Individual countries will not get far on their own, due to the free rider problem. Specifically, multilateral negotiations have since the Rio Summit of 1992 proceeded under the UNFCCC. The paper will summarize major decisions that the Clinton Administration had to make, and why it made them as it did. What were the quantitative limits on emissions to be? How would greenhouse gases other than carbon dioxide be treated? Would trading across time or across countries be permitted? And so on. In my time in the government, I was surprised to discover that policy makers often must make such technical{\textendash}sounding decisions with relatively little help from the body of technical knowledge and opinion outside the government. It is not just that academic research is too abstract to be of much direct help with the minutia of specific policy decisions. The pronouncements of think tanks and op{\textendash}ed writers also ignore practical complexities, because they seek to make big points for general audiences. We were largely on our own.},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {765636,
	title = {Britain Votes 2001},
	journal = {Parliamentary Affairs.},
	volume = {54},
	number = {4},
	year = {2001},
	month = {October 2014},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {80726,
	title = {Why Not a Global Currency?},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	volume = {91},
	number = {2},
	year = {2001},
	pages = {243-247},
	abstract = {It appears likely that the number of currencies in the world, having proliferated along with the number of countries over the past 50 years, will decline sharply over the next two decades. The question I plan to pose here is: where, from an
economic point of view, should we aim for this process to stop? Should there be a single world currency, as Richard Cooper (1984) boldly envisioned? Should there remain multiple major currencies but with a much stricter arrangement among them for stabilizing exchange rates, as say Ronald McKinnon (1984) or John Williamson (1993) recommended? Building on Maurice Obstfeld and Rogoff
(2000b, d), I will argue here that the status quo arrangement among the dollar, yen, and euro (which I take to be benign neglect) is not far from optimal, not only for now but well into the new century. And it would remain a good system even if political obstacles to achieving greater monetary policy coordination (or even a common world currency) could be overcome. Again, this is not a paper on, say,
the pros and cons of dollarization for small and medium-sized economies, but rather on arrangements among the core currencies. Any blueprint for the future core of the world currency system involves some crystal-ball gazing. But at the same time, recent research in international macroeconomics offers several important insights that can help inform the discussion.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?doi=10.1257/aer.91.2.243},
	author = {Rogoff, Kenneth S.}
}
@article {66911,
	title = {Terror{\textquoteright}s Talk: Fieldwork and War},
	journal = {Dialectical Anthropology},
	year = {2001},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2001},
	publisher = {Dialectical Anthropology},
	abstract = {My purpose in this essay is to raise some questions about what is involved in
research on political violence. Since 1995 I have conducted ethnographic research in rural
villages throughout Ayacucho, the region of Peru most heavily affected by the war between
the guerrilla group Sendero Luminoso, the rondas campesinas (armed peasant patrols) and the
Peruvian armed forces. A key factor motivating my research was a desire to write against
the culture of violence arguments that were used to \&quot;explain\&quot; the war. The concept of a\&quot;culture of violence\&quot; or \&quot;endemic violence\&quot; has frequently been attributed to the Andean
region, particularly to the rural peasants who inhabit the highlands. I wanted to understand
how people make and unmake lethal violence in a particular social and historical context, and
to explore the positioning and responsibilities of an anthropologist who conducts research in
the context of war.},
	url = {http://www.springerlink.com/content/q65531kq0n61w052/},
	author = {Theidon, Kimberly S.}
}
@article {63876,
	title = {Inefficient Redistribution},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Sep 1, 2001},
	abstract = {American Political Science Review, 95, 649-662There are many well{\textendash}developed theories that explain why governments redistribute income, but very few can explain why this often is done in a socially inefficient form. In the theory we develop, compared to efficient methods, inefficient redistribution makes it more attractive to stay in or enter a group that receives subsidies. When political institutions cannot credibly commit to future policy, and when the political influence of a group depends on its size, inefficient redistribution is a tool to sustain political power. Our model may account for the choice of inefficient redistributive policies in agriculture, trade, and the labor market. It also implies that when factors of production are less specific to a sector, inefficient redistribution may be more prevalent.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63856,
	title = {Reversal of Fortune: Geography and Institutions in the Making of the Modern World Income Distribution},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Sep 1, 2001},
	abstract = {Among countries colonized by European powers during the past 500 years, those that were relatively rich in 1500 are now relatively poor. We document this reversal using data on urbanizations patterns and population density, which we argue, proxy for economic prosperity. This reversal weighs against a view that links economic development to geographic factors. Instead, we argue that the reversal reflects changes in the institutions resulting from European colonialism. The European interventions appears to have created an \&quot;institutional reversal\&quot; among these societies, meaning that Europeans were more likely to introduce institutions encouraging investment in regions that were previously poor. This institutional reversal accounts for the reversal in relative incomes. We provide further support for this view by documenting that the reversal in relative incomes took place during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and resulted from societies with good institutions taking advantage of the opportunity to industrialize. This paper documents a reversal in relative incomes among the former European colonies. For example, the Mughals in India and the Aztecs and Incas in the Americas were among the richest civilizations in 1500, while the civilizations in North America, New Zealand, and Australia were less developed. Today the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia re an order of magnitude richer than the countries not occupying the territories of the Mughal, Aztec, and Inca Empires. },
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63881,
	title = {Social Identity, Inequality, and Conflict},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Mar 1, 2001},
	abstract = {I extend the standard materialistic rational choice model of conflict to consider groups. In particular, I consider how the aggregate amount of conflict in society depends on which groups form and oppose each other. The study is motivated by empirical findings about the relationship between inequality, conflict, and economic development. I focus on a salient comparison: ethnic groups vs. social classes. I show that, contrary to the conventional wisdom, class conflict is not necessarily worse than ethnic conflict. In fact, ethnic conflict is general worse when the distribution of income is more equal. I also investigate the impact of the fact that while ethnicity is immutable, since there is social mobility, class is not. I show that the direct impact of mobility of conflict is as conventionally believed, but that there are important indirect effects which make the net effect ambiguous.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63871,
	title = {A Theory of Political Transitions},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Sep 1, 2001},
	abstract = {We develop a theory of political transitions inspired by the experiences of Western Europe and Latin America. Nondemocratic societies are controlled by a rich elite. The initially disenfranchised poor can contest power by threatening revolution, especially when the opportunity cost is low, for example during recessions. The threat of revolution may force the elite to democratize. Democracy may not consolidate because it is redistributive, and so gives the elite an incentive to mount a coup. Highly unequal societies are less likely to consolidate democracy, and may end up oscillating between regimes and suffer substantial fiscal volatility.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {62476,
	title = {Do Religious Institutions Support Violence or the Status Quo?},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Sep 1, 2001},
	abstract = {The literature on the role of religious institutions in ethnic conflict does not answer the question of whether these institutions support violence or the status quo. From a resource mobilization perspective, religious institutions generally have the organizational resources to facilitate opposition to the status quo. However, it is also clear that most religions at different times have supported both violence and the status quo. An analysis of 105 ethno{\textendash}religious minorities using data from the Minorities at Risk project shows that religious institutions tend to inhibit peaceful opposition unless there is a sufficient level of perceived threat to the religious institutions or the religion itself, in which case religious institutions tend to facilitate political opposi{\textendash}tion among ethno{\textendash}religious minorities. However, the decision to violently oppose a regime is based mostly on secular factors including the desire for some form of autonomy or independence and political discrimination against the ethno{\textendash}religious minority.Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Vol. 22, Iss. 2 (1999): 119-139.},
	author = {Jonathan Fox}
}
@article {62431,
	title = {Two Civilizations and Ethnic Conflict: Islam and the West.},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Jul 1, 2001},
	abstract = {Samuel Huntington{\textquoteright}s controversial \&quot;clash of civilizations\&quot; thesis posits that, among other things, the extent of both international and domestic conflict between {\textquoteright}civilizations{\textquoteright} will increase with the end of the Cold War. This is expected to be especially true of clashes involving the Western and Islamic civilizations and even more so for clashes between these two civilizations. In this article the author, using the Minorities at Risk dataset along with independently collected variables, tests these ethnic conflict propositions of Huntington{\textquoteright}s. The results from the author{\textquoteright}s analysis are examined from there perspectives: globally, from the perspective of the Islamic civilization, and from the perspective of the Western civilization. Globally, there has been little change in Islamic involvement in civilizational ethnic conflict since the end of the Cold War. However, from a Western perspective, the proportion of civilizational conflicts involving Western groups that are with Islamic groups increased dramatically after the end of the Cold War. Thus, the results show that if one focuses narrowly on the perspective of the Western civilization, there is some support for Huntington{\textquoteright}s claims regarding Islam, but not for a general increase in civilizational conflict. However, from the perspective of the Islamic civilization and from a broader global perspective, ther is little support for Huntington{\textquoteright}s argument.Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 38, no. 4(2001): 459-472.},
	author = {Jonathan Fox}
}
@article {63846,
	title = {An African Success Story: Botswana},
	year = {2001},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 11, 2001},
	abstract = {Despite some success stories in the 1960s and early 1970s, Africa is poor and getting poorer. There is also an almost universally pessimistic consensus about its economic prospects. This consensus started to emerge in recent empirical work on the determinants of growth with Barro{\textquoteright}s (1991) discovery of a negative "African Dummy" and was summed up by Easterly and Levine?s (1997) title, "Africa{\textquoteright}s Growth Tragedy." Table 4.1 collects some familiar comparative evidence on Africa?s economic performance. The average sub{\textendash}Saharan African country is poorer than the average low{\textendash}income country and getting poorer. Indeed, the average growth rate has been negative since 1965, and there is approximately a 35{\textendash}fold difference between the per capital income level of the average sub{\textendash}Saharan country and the United States.
Against this background of poor performance, one African country, Botswana, has not only performed well, but better than any other country in the world in the last 35 years. In table 4.2 we examine the facts about Botswana in both an African and more general context. Botswana had a PPP{\textendash}adjusted income per capital of $5,796 in 1998, almost four times the African average, and between 1965 and 1998, it grew at an annual rate of 7.7 percent.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {62766,
	title = {Beyond Bin Laden: Reshaping U.S. Foreign Policy},
	journal = {International Seurity},
	volume = {26},
	number = {3},
	year = {2001},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2001},
	pages = {56-78},
	abstract = {The terrorist attacks that destroyed the World Trade Center and damaged the Pentagon triggered the most rapid and dramatic change in the history of U.S.foreign policy. On September 10, 2001, there was not the slightest hint that the United States was about to embark on an all{\textendash}out campaign against "global terrorism." Indeed, apart from an explicit disdain for certain multilateral agreements and a fixation on missile defense, the foreign policy priorities of George W. Bush and his administration were not radically different from those of their predecessors. Bush had already endorsed continued NATO expansion, reluctantly agreed to keep U.S. troops in the Balkans, reaffirmed the existing policy of wary engagement with Russia and China, and called for further efforts to liberalize global markets. The administration{\textquoteright}s early attention focused primarily on domestic issues, and newinternational initiatives were notably absent.
This business{\textendash}as{\textendash}usual approach to foreign policy vanished on September 11. Instead of education reform and tax cuts, the war on terrorism dominated the administration{\textquoteright}s agenda. The United States quickly traced the attacks to al{\textendash}Qaeda {\textemdash} the network of Islamic extremists led by Saudi exile Osama bin Laden {\textemdash} whose leaders had been operating from Afghanistan since 1996. When the Taliban government in Afghanistan rejected a U.S. ultimatum to turn over bin Laden, the United States began military efforts to eradicate al{\textendash}Qaeda and overthrow the Taliban itself. The United States also began a sustained diplomatic campaign to enlist foreign help in rooting out any remaining terrorist organizations "with global reach." U.S.officials emphasized that this campaign would be prolonged and warned that military action against suspected terrorist networks might continue after the initial assault on al{\textendash}Qaeda and its Taliban hosts.
This article analyzes how the campaign against global terrorism alters the broad agenda of U.S.foreign policy. I focus primarily on the diplomatic aspects of this campaign and do not address military strategy, homeland defense, or the need for improved intelligence in much detail. These issues are obviously important but lie outside the bounds this essay.
I proceed in three stages. The first section considers what the events of September 11 tell us about the U.S. position in the world and identifies four lessons that should inform U.S. policy in the future. The second section explores how the campaign on terrorism should alter the foreign policy agenda in the near{\textendash}to{\textendash}medium term: What new policies should the United States pursue, and what prior goals should be downgraded or abandoned? The third section addresses the long{\textendash}term implications, focusing on whether the United States will be willing to accept the increased costs of its current policy of global engagement. I argue that this decision will depend in part on the success of the current campaign, but also on whether the United States can make its dominant global position more palatable to other countries.},
	author = {Walt, Stephen M.}
}
@article {63156,
	title = {Clean Air, Clear Processes? The Struggle over Air Pollution Law in the People{\textquoteright}s Republic of China},
	journal = {Hastings Law Journal},
	volume = {52},
	number = {3},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Mar 1, 2001},
	pages = {703-738},
	abstract = {As the People?s Republic of China (PRC or China) seeks to use law to address environmental problems, it faces daunting challenges, in terms both of the magnitude of environmental degradation it is experiencing and the capacity of its legal institutions. Pollution levels in the major cities in the PRC are among the highest on earth. Epidemiological studies indicate that the concentration of airborne particulates is two to five times the maximum level deemed acceptable by the World Health Organization. A noted World Bank study based on "conservative" assumptions estimates that as of the mid{\textendash}1990s "urban air pollution costs the Chinese economy US$32.3 billion annually in premature deaths, morbidity, restricted activity, chronic bronchitis, and other heath effects." And new scholarly work suggests that the "health impacts fall disproportionately on women and children."
China?s lawmakers have not ignored these problems. The PRC has in recent years sought to enlist the law to address its environmental ills. In 1995 and then again in 2000, China undertook significant revisions of its principal air pollution law, while throughout the decade of the 1990s it promulgated discrete measures concerning coal production, acid rain, and associated matters. To date, these legal changes have at best had a minor impact on the Chinese environment, but as we know from Bruce Ackerman and William Hassler?s classic study of the making of air pollution law in the United States, "Clean Coal/Dirty Air," even in highly{\textendash}developed legal systems, efforts through law to address such issues pose massive challenges.
This article examines the 1995 revision of the Air Pollution Prevention and Control Law (the 1995 APPCL). The struggles attending that revision warrant our attention not only because of the gravity of China?s air pollution, but for the revealing window they provide onto Chinese legislative development more generally. Through it, we can better understand the inner workings of what is, under the Chinese constitution, the supreme organ of state, the National People{\textquoteright}s Congress (NPC); the interface of the NPC with other organs of state, national and sub{\textendash}national; and ultimately, the relationship of the Chinese state to its people. This has much to tell us about the particular limitations that prevented the 1995 APPCL from achieving more, the difficulties confronting overall efforts to deploy law to improve the Chinese environment, the growing politicization of environmental matters, and the challenges that the Chinese state faces as it attempts both to represent popular interest in more transparent governmental institutions and also to deepen its engagement in the international community as it prepares to accede to the World Trade Organization.},
	author = {Alford, William P.}
}
@article {63481,
	title = {Cuba en las Americas: Ancla y Viraje},
	year = {2001},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 11, 2001},
	abstract = {EL PARTEAGUAS MUNDIAL DE FINES DE LOS OCHENTA y comienzos de los noventa no dej{\'o} de afectar a Cuba. El derrumbe de los reg{\'\i}menes comunistas europeos y, en particular, de la Uni{\'o}n Sovi{\'e}tica puso fin tambi{\'e}n a una larga etapa de la historia de Cuba comenzada en 1960. En su sistema pol{\'\i}tico, econ{\'o}mico y social, Cuba hab{\'\i}a sido distinta del resto de Am{\'e}rica durante las {\'u}ltimas tres d{\'e}cadas de la Guerra Fr{\'\i}a en Europa. Con la desaparici{\'o}n de su principal aliado internacional, el gobierno de Cuba, acorralado, se vio obligado a iniciar un viraje en la conducci{\'o}n de su pol{\'\i}tica nacional e internacional. Ese viraje, sin embargo, fue un golpe de tim{\'o}n de un buque anclado, cuyo piloto reorienta el barco sin alterar su equilibrio a pesar de un fuerte oleaje.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {63576,
	title = {Doing Good in American Communities: Congregations and Service Organizations Working Together},
	year = {2001},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 2001},
	abstract = {A Research Report from the Organizing Religious Work Project, Hartford Institute for Religion Research Hartford Seminary
The well{\textendash}being of every community depends on harnessing the contributions of its citizens. Sustaining viable communities requires places where people can gather, work together, and learn to trust one another {\textendash} where we generate what Robert Putnam has called "social capital."1 We depend on the neighborhood associations and political action groups, parent associations and leagues of civil rights activists, as well as the churches, synagogues, and mosques that provide places of concern, belonging and action. This is a report on the work being done by such religious organizations and their community partners in seven representative communities in the U.S..},
	author = {Nancy T. Ammerman}
}
@article {64216,
	title = {Ethical Limits on the Use of Influence in Hierarchical Relationships},
	journal = {Lawrence Erlbaum},
	year = {2001},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 2001},
	publisher = {Lawrence Erlbaum},
	abstract = {In a hierarchical relationship, by definition, the superior is entitled to exert influence on the subordinate and the subordinate is obligated to accept the superior{\textquoteright}s influence. These rights and duties, however, are not unlimited. Ethical use of influence presupposes certain intraorganizational and extraorganizational limits on the demands and requests that the superior is entitled to make and that the subordinate is expected {\textendash} at times, in fact, permitted {\textendash} to carry out. To set the stage for discussion of such limits, I first review some of the moral principles according to which influence attempts must be assessed and present a typology that distinguishes among different means of influence.},
	url = {http://www.routledge.com/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {63116,
	title = {Inequality, Social Insurance and Redistribution},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	volume = {95},
	number = {4},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Jan 1, 2001},
	pages = {859-874},
	abstract = {Is the political support for welfare policy higher or lower in less egalitarian societies? We answer the question using a model of welfare policy as publicly financed insurance that pays benefits in a redistributive manner. When voters have both redistributive and insurance motives for supporting welfare spending, the effect of inequality depends on how benefits are targeted. Greater inequality increases support for welfare expenditures when benefits are targeted to the employed but decreases support when benefits are targeted to those without earnings. With endogenous targeting, support for benefits to those without earnings declines as inequality increases, whereas support for aggregate spending is a V{\textendash}shaped function of inequality. Statistical analysis of welfare expenditures in advanced industrial societies provides support for key empirical implications of the model.},
	author = {Moene, Karl Ove and Michael Wallerstein}
}
@article {64106,
	title = {The International Politics of Harmonization: the Case of Capital Market Regulation},
	year = {2001},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 2001},
	abstract = {My primary focus is on the mechanisms that drive regulatory harmonization in international finance. Just as we would like to know whether firms have arrived at similar prices for a good through collusion or competition, we want to know whether harmonization occurs through political or market pressures. My argument also informs a discussion about whether international institutions will play a role in the process of harmonization, and if so, what that role will be. In short, the dependent variable of this study is primarily harmonization processes. By focusing on process mechanisms, I provide a theoretical and practical explanation of the relative roles of market incentives, political pressure, and multilateral institutions in the coordination of regulatory policies.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {62866,
	title = {Markets: Anthropological Aspects},
	journal = {International Encyclopedia of Social and Behavioral Sciences},
	year = {2001},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 2001},
	pages = {9227-9231},
	abstract = {Markets are so routinely regarded as fundamentally economic institutions that long{\textendash}standing and quite varied anthropological perspectives on them are often overlooked. Anthropological attention focuses on patterns of individual and small{\textendash}group exchange relationships within specific markets, on institutional structures that organize markets, and on the social, political, and spatial hierarchies through which markets link social classes, ethnic groups, or regional societies into larger systems. Anthropological studies of markets analyze them as nodes of complex social processes and generators of cultural activity as well as realms for economic exchange. Anthropologists{\textquoteright} interests in markets, therefore, are partially distinct from {\textendash} although certainly overlapping with {\textendash} the concerns of economists.},
	author = {Bestor, Theodore C.}
}
@article {64221,
	title = {Reflections on the Social and Psychological Processes of Legitimization and Delegitimization},
	journal = {Cambridge University Press},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Feb 1, 2001},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	abstract = {The concept of legitimacy has fascinated me for many years. Again and again, particularly over the course of the 1960s, I felt that the concepts of legitimacy and illegitimacy provided the organizing principles that helped explain various phenomena with which I was concerned.},
	url = {http://www.cambridge.org/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {63361,
	title = {The Role of Industrial Country Policies in Emerging Market Crises},
	year = {2001},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2001},
	abstract = {This paper considers policies of the industrialized countries, as they pertain to crises in emerging markets. These fall into three areas: (1) their own macroeconomic policies, which determine the global financial environment; (2) their role in responding to crises when they occur, particularly through rescue packages, which have three components {\textemdash}reforms in debtor countries, public funds from creditor countries, and private sector involvement; and (3) efforts to reform the international financial architecture, with the aim of lessening the frequency and severity of future crises. A recurrent theme is the tension between mitigating crises that occur, and the moral hazard that such efforts create in the longer term. In addition to reviewing these three areas of policy, we consider the institutions through which the more powerful countries exercise their influence. We conclude with a discussion of the debate over the sins of the International Monetary Fund, and proposals for reform.},
	author = {Frankel, Jeffrey}
}
@article {62916,
	title = {Samuel Huntington and the Latin American State},
	journal = {Princeton University Press},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Jan 1, 2001},
	publisher = {Princeton University Press},
	abstract = {"The most important political distinction among countries concerns not their form of government but their degree of government. The differences between democracy and dictatorship are less than the differences between those countries whose politics embodies consensus, community, legitimacy, organization, effectiveness, stability, and those countries whose politics is deficient in these qualities." So begins Samuel P. Huntington{\textquoteright}s {\textquoteright}Political Order in Changing Societies,{\textquoteright} one of the most widely influential and insightful books on comparative politics ever written. Its concern is normative as well as analytic. In a retrospective comment on his own writing, Huntington has noted, "I wrote [Political Order] because I thought political order was a good thing." Moreover, he added, his "purpose was to develop a general social science theory of why, how, and under what circumstances order could and could not be achieved."},
	url = {http://press.princeton.edu/},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {62756,
	title = {Tracking the Restructuring of American Religion: Religious Affiliation and Patterns of Religious Mobility, 1973-1998},
	journal = {Social Forces},
	volume = {79},
	number = {4},
	year = {2001},
	month = {Jun 1, 2001},
	pages = {1459-1493},
	abstract = {Many of the theoretical controversies in the sociology of religion have pertained to trends and patterns of religious mobility . Recently, scholars have claimed that diminishing status differences between denominations have opened denominational boundaries and led to higher rates of religious mobility. Scholars working from rational actor perspectives have generated several hypotheses. First, human capital and adaptive preference theories suggest that switching will remain infrequent, and will tend to occur between similar denominations. Second, "Strict church" perspectives argue that demanding sectarian denominations will have higher retention, and be more attractive destinations. Third, market niche perspectives argue that niche overlap will foster high rates of religious mobility. Finally, theories emphasizing normative constraints on religious choices suggest that quasi{\textendash}ethnic religious groups will have a greater hold on members. In this article, Darren Sherkat examines trends and patterns of religious mobility in the U.S. between 1973 and 1998 using data from the General Social Surveys. Retention rates, distributions of original and destination affiliations, and mobility tables are compared across three periods, and four broad cohorts using log{\textendash}multiplicative association models. Sherkat finds some support for hypotheses generated by status theories, and for several propositions from rational actor theories; however, the decline of denominationalism perspective is unsupported.},
	author = {Darren Sherkat}
}
@article {63496,
	title = {The Twilight of Westminster? Electoral Reform and Its Consequences},
	year = {2001},
	note = {},
	month = {Aug 31, 2001},
	abstract = {The UK political system has long exemplified ?majoritarian? or ?Westminster? government, a type subsequently exported to many Commonwealth countries. The primary advantage of this system, proponents since Bagehot have argued, lie in its ability to combine accountability with effective governance. Yet under the Blair administration, this system has undergone a series of major constitutional reforms, perhaps producing the twilight of the pure Westminster model. After conceptualizing the process of constitutional reform, this paper discusses two important claims made by those who favor retaining the current electoral system for Westminster, namely that single{\textendash}member districts promote strong voter{\textendash}member linkages and generate greater satisfaction with the political system. Evidence testing these claims is examined from comparative data covering 19 nations, drawing on the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems. The study finds that member{\textendash}voter linkages are stronger in single member than in pure multimember districts, but that combined districts such as MMP preserve these virtues. Concerning claims of greater public satisfaction under majoritarian systems, the study establishes some support for this contention, although the evidence remains limited. The conclusion considers the implications of the findings for debates about electoral reform and for the future of the Westminster political system.},
	author = {Norris, Pippa}
}
@article {62496,
	title = {Why Doesn{\textquoteright}t the United States Have a European-Style Welfare State?},
	journal = {Brookings Papers on Economic Activity},
	volume = {2},
	year = {2001},
	note = {\&nbsp;},
	month = {Nov 1, 2001},
	abstract = {European countries are much more generous to the poor relative to the US level of generosity. Economic models suggest that redistribution is a function of the variance and skewness of the pre{\textendash}tax income distribution, the volatility of income (perhaps because of trade shocks), the social costs of taxation and the expected income mobility of the median voter. None of these factors appear to explain the differences between the US and Europe. Instead, the differences appear to be the result of racial heterogeneity in the US and American political institutions. Racial animosity in the US makes redistribution to the poor, who are disproportionately black, unappealing to many voters. American political institutions limited the growth of a socialist party, and more generally limited the political power of the poor.},
	author = {Alesina, Alberto and Glaeser, Edward and Sacerdote, Bruce}
}
@article {63966,
	title = {Democratization or Repression?},
	year = {2000},
	month = {May 1, 2000},
	abstract = {European Economic Review, 44, 683-693Regimes controlled by a rich elite often collapse and make way for democracy amidst widespread social unrest. Such regime changes are often followed by redistribution to the poor at the expense of the former elite. We argue that the reason why the elite may have to resort to full{\textendash}scale democratization, despite its apparent costs to themselves, may be that lesser concessions would be viewed as a sign of weakness and spur further unrest and more radical demands. The elite may therefore be forced to choose between repression and the most generous concession, a transition to full democracy.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63896,
	title = {Is Child Labor Inefficient?},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Sep 1, 2000},
	abstract = {Journal of Political Economy, 108, 663-679We build a model of child labor and study its implications for welfare. We assume that there is at trade{\textendash}off between child labor and the accumulation of human capital. Even if parents are altruistic and child labor is socially inefficient, it may arise in equilibrium because parents fail to fully internalize its negative effects. This occurs when bequests are zero or when capital markets are imperfect. We also study the effects of a simple ban on child labor and derive conditions under which it may be Pareto improving in general equilibrium. We show that the implications of child labor for fertility are ambiguous.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63866,
	title = {The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Jun 22, 2000},
	abstract = {American Economic Review, 91, 1369{\textendash}1401We exploit differences in European mortality rates to estimate the effect of institutions on economic performance. Europeans adopted very different colonization policies in different colonies, with different associated institutions. In places where Europeans faced high mortality rates, they could not settle and were more likely to set up extractive institutions. These institutions persisted to the present. Exploiting differences in European mortality rates as an instrument for current institutions, we estimate large effects of institutions on income per capital. Once the effect of institutions is controlled, for countries in Africa or those closer to the equator do not have lower incomes.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63891,
	title = {Political Losers as Barriers to Economic Development},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Jan 11, 2000},
	abstract = {American Economic Review, 90, 126-130Per capita income in many sub{\textendash}Saharan African countries, such as Chad and Niger, is less than 1/30th of that of the United States. Most economists and social scientists suspect that this is in part due to institutional failures that stop these societies from adopting the best technologies. A particularly interesting historical example comes from the diffusion of railways in the 19th century. While railways are regarded as a key technology driving the Industrial Revolution, there were large lags in their diffusion. For example, in 1850 the United States had 14,518 km of track, Britain 9,797 km, and Germany 5,856 km; in the Russian and Hapsburg empires there were just 501 km and 1,357 km, respectively (all date from Brian R. Mitchell [1993]). Why do societies, as in this example, fail to adopt the best available technologies?},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63851,
	title = {Rotten Parents},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Nov 26, 2000},
	abstract = {We study the implications of the trade{\textendash}off between child quality and child quantity for the efficiency of the rate of population growth. We show that if quantity and quality are inversely related then, even in the case of full altruism within the family, population growth is inefficiently high, if the family does not have, or does not choose to use, compensating instruments (for example, bequests or savings are at a corner). In non{\textendash}altruistic models this trade{\textendash}off certainly generates a population problem. We therefore prove that the repugnant conclusion is not only repugnant, it may be inefficient. Moreover, we cannot expect intra{\textendash}family contracting to resolve the inefficiency since it involves contracts which are not credible. },
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63861,
	title = {States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control by Jeffrey I. Herbst: A Review Essay},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Mar 6, 2000},
	abstract = {The most convincing theory of comparative economic development asserts that it is institutions {\textendash} the way societies are organized {\textendash} that are the fundamental cause of countries? development of underdevelopment. To attain prosperity, a country needs to accumulate physical and human capital and create and adopt technology. Whether or not it does so is determined by the incentives that stem from the institutional environment. },
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63886,
	title = {Why Did the West Extend the Franchise? Growth, Inequality and Democracy in Historical Perspective},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Nov 1, 2000},
	abstract = {During the nineteenth century most Western societies extended voting rights, a decision that led to unprecedented redistributive programs. We argue that these political reforms can be viewed as strategic decisions by the political elite to prevent widespread social unrest and revolution. Political transition, rather than redistribution under existing political institutions, occurs because current transfers do not ensure future transfers, while the extension of the franchise changes future political equilibria and acts as a commitment to redistribution. Our theory also offers a novel explanation for the Kuznets curve in many Western economies during this period, with the fall in inequality following redistribution due to democratization.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {63181,
	title = {China{\textquoteright}s Big Mac Attack},
	year = {2000},
	month = {May 1, 2000},
	abstract = {Nixon was not the only one who went to China; Ronald McDonald is there now, too. McDonald{\textquoteright}s triumphed {\textemdash} in a cultural zone where many adults think fried beef patties taste bizarre {\textemdash} by catering to China{\textquoteright}s pampered only children, the so{\textendash}called little emperors and empresses. The \&quot;Golden Arches\&quot; have become part of the landscape of Beijing and Hong Kong. But is McDonald{\textquoteright}s trampling local culture in the name of a bland, homogeneous world order? Not really. Global capitalism pushes one way, and local consumers push right back. Herewith, a parable of globalization.Published in Foreign Affairs 79, no. 3 (May/June 2000).},
	author = {Watson, James L.}
}
@article {62776,
	title = {How Sushi Went Global},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Nov 1, 2000},
	abstract = {A 500{\textendash}pound tuna is caught off the coast of New England or Spain, flown thousands of miles to Tokyo, sold for tens of thousands of dollars to Japanese buyers{\textellipsis}and shipped to chefs in New York and Hong Kong? That{\textquoteright}s the manic logic of global sushi.},
	author = {Bestor, Theodore C.}
}
@article {62396,
	title = {Rush to Failure: The flawed politics and policies of missile defense[br](from Harvard Magazine: May/June 2000)},
	year = {2000},
	month = {May 1, 2000},
	abstract = {On March 23, 1983, President Ronald Reagan shocked the national security establishment by calling upon the nation{\textquoteright}s scientific community, \&quot;who gave us nuclear weapons, to turn their great talents to the cause of mankind and world peace: to give us the means of rendering these weapons impotent and obsolete.\&quot; Seventeen years have passed since that speech, and the United States has spent more than $60 billion trying to develop a defense against ballistic missiles. The Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI, or \&quot;Star Wars\&quot;) and its successors have cost more than twice as much as the Manhattan Project (in constant dollars), but these programs have yet to produce a single workable weapon. This \&quot;achievement\&quot; is probably a record in the annals of defense procurement: never has so much been spent for so long with so little to show for it. Explaining how this happened{\textemdash}and why{\textemdash}is the main aim of Frances Fitzgerald{\textquoteright}s Way Out There in the Blue: Reagan, Star Wars, and the End of the Cold War. The \&quot;Star Wars\&quot; saga, according to Fitzgerald, is the story of how the United States came to chase a chimera. For Fitzgerald, \&quot;Star Wars\&quot; illustrates \&quot;the extent to which our national discourse about foreign and defense policy is not about reality{\textemdash}or the best intelligence estimates about it{\textemdash}but instead a matter of domestic politics, history, and mythology.\&quot;},
	author = {Walt, Stephen M.}
}
@article {62401,
	title = {Two Cheers for Clinton{\textquoteright}s Foreign Policy[br](from Foreign Affairs: March/April 2000; v.79, no. 2)},
	year = {2000},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 2000},
	abstract = {As with any president, it is easy to think up ways that Clinton{\textquoteright}s record might be improved. But on the whole, he does not deserve the chorus of criticism he has received. Clinton{\textquoteright}s critics fail to appreciate how changes in the international position of the United States have complicated the making of its foreign policy. The next president will fact similar pressures.},
	author = {Walt, Stephen M.}
}
@article {62036,
	title = {Agency Problems and Dividend Policies Around the World},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Feb 1, 2000},
	abstract = {This paper outlines and tests two agency models of dividends. According to the \&quot;outcome\&quot; model, dividends are the result of effective pressure by minority shareholders to force corporate insiders to disgorge cash. According to the \&quot;substitute\&quot; model, insiders interested in issuing equity in the future choose to pay dividends to establish a reputation for decent treatment of minority shareholders. The first model predicts that stronger minority shareholder rights should be associated with higher dividend payouts; the second model predicts the opposite. Tests on a cross{\textendash}section of 4,000 companies from 33 countries with different levels of minority shareholder rights support the outcome agency model of dividends.},
	author = {Rafael LaPorta and Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes and Andrei Shleifer and Robert W. Vishny}
}
@article {61341,
	title = {Institutional Reforms in Colombia},
	year = {2000},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Oct 1, 2000},
	abstract = {This document is organized around \&quot;political\&quot; and \&quot;economic\&quot; institutions. We begin with the former, with a discussion of the role of the judicial system and of the separation of power followed by the electoral law and structure of parliament; and a discussion of crime prevention and criminal justice system. We then move to economic institutions; we focus on those that have to do with the bureaucracy and provision of social services; monetary and fiscal institutions, namely the Central Bank, the budget process and, especially important, the local/central government relationships.},
	author = {Alesina, Alberto}
}
@article {62921,
	title = {The @$\#$$\%\&amp; Missile Crisis (Or, What was {\textquoteright}Cuban{\textquoteright} about U.S. Decisions during the Cuban Missile Crisis)},
	journal = {The Journal of the Society for Historians of Foreign Relations / Blackwell Publishing},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Mar 1, 2000},
	publisher = {The Journal of the Society for Historians of Foreign Relations / Blackwell Publishing},
	abstract = {The documents concerning the Cuban missile crisis, declassified by the Office of the Historian of the U.S. Department of State, reveal quite effectively a key theme in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy in 1962{\textendash}63: Cuba{\textquoteright}s bizarre role within the context of U.S. government decision making. This role had somewhat contradictory dimensions.Cuba seemed to be both an afterthought and an obsession for U.S. decision makers. Its exclusion from the diplomatic negotiations over the missile crisis was an instance of negligence, though it came about in part from a deliberate decision. Such Cuban exclusion reduced the likelihood that the United States could accomplish all of its goals in the missile crisis settlement. Moreover, information included in these documents only to some degree (or not at all) calls attention to Cuba{\textquoteright}s much greater substantive importance before and during the missile crisis than U.S. officials thought at the time. This documentary record, therefore, reminds us that the outcome of the missile crisis was so positive for the United States, to a significant degree, thanks to Soviet statesmanship in managing and controlling its unhappy Cuban ally.},
	url = {http://www.shafr.org/},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {63216,
	title = {The Global Drug Gap},
	journal = {Science},
	volume = {287},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Mar 17, 2000},
	pages = {1979-81},
	abstract = {Global inequities in access to pharmaceutical products exist between rich and poor countries because of market and government failures as well as huge income differences. Multiple policies are required to address this global drug gap for three categories of pharmaceutical products: essential drugs, new drugs, and yet{\textendash}to{\textendash}be{\textendash}developed drugs. Policies should combine "push" approaches of financial subsidies to support targeted drug development, "pull" approaches of finnancial incentives such as market guarantees, and "process" approaches aimed at improved institutional capacity. Constructive solutions are needed that can both protect the incentives for research and development and reduce the inequities of access.},
	author = {Reich, Michael R.}
}
@article {63381,
	title = {Human Security: A Framework for Assessment in Conflict and Transition},
	year = {2000},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2000},
	abstract = {Human security is a concept that dates back to the Enlightenment. Various strains of meaning, spanning a focus on individual rights and a preoccupation with territorial integrity of states, have accompanied its use in many settings. In the last 25 years, the term has increasingly been applied to political, social, and economic inputs required to create security for individuals and communities. Most recently there has been growing interest in assessing the usefulness of this concept in the design of policies to provide relief and stabilization in areas emerging from war and conflict. In that transitional context this paper argues for a new definition of human security based on identifying those factors that protect and promote human well being through time. This argument builds on the capabilities analysis of Sen and Dreze, incorporates the vulnerability model described by Webb, and employs the psychosocial needs framework of Amoo. Noting that the provision of basic material supports is essential but not sufficient, the definition of human security advanced here insists on the additional importance, for individuals and communities, of fulfilling three basic psychosocial dimensions: a sense of home and safety; constructive family and social supports; and acceptance of the past and a positive grasp of the future. These three psychosocial dimensions (referred to in shorthand as home, community, and time) are evaluated in a number of settings, primarily in Africa. Suggestions are provided, based upon this concept, for humanitarian efforts in refugee and immediate post{\textendash}conflict settings. The paper further argues that ways of measuring human security along these three dimensions are more easily approached through the use of negative indices, or threats to human security. The negative indices proposed here are social dislocation (for home), dynamic inequality (for community relationships), and high discount rate (for positive sense of the future). It is noted that further methodological effort is needed to refine the metrics to be used in these indices. Whether this concept and its proposed indices could prove useful in identifying trends in human security (or threats to human security) in the immediate post (or pre) conflict setting will require further empirical work, through retrospective case studies and prospective observation and analysis.},
	author = {Leaning, Jennifer}
}
@article {64376,
	title = {International Law and State Behavior: Commitment and Compliance in International Monetary Affairs},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	year = {2000},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 2000},
	publisher = {American Political Science Review},
	abstract = {Why do sovereign governments make international legal commitments, and what effect does international law have on state behavior? Very little empirical research tries to answer these questions in a systematic way. This article examines patterns of commitment to and compliance with international monetary law. I consider the signal governments try to send by committing themselves through international legal commitments, and I argue that reputational concerns explain patterns of compliance.
One of the most important findings is that governments commit to and comply with legal obligations if other countries in their region do so. Competitive market forces, rather than overt policy pressure from the International Monetary Fund, are the most likely "enforcement" mechanism. Legal commitment has an extremely positive effect on governments that have recently removed restrictive policies, which indicates a desire to reestablish a reputation for compliance.},
	url = {http://www.apsanet.org/section_327.cfm},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {64011,
	title = {The Legalization of International Monetary Affairs},
	year = {2000},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 2000},
	abstract = {Sovereign control over money is one of the most closely guarded national prerogatives. Creating, valuating, and controlling the distribution of national legal tender is viewed as an inherent right of a nation{\textendash}state in the modern period.Yet over the course of the twentieth century, international rules of good monetary conduct have become "legalized" in the sense developed in this volume. This historic shift took place after World War II in an effort to bolster the confidence that had been shattered by the interwar monetary experience. If the interwar years taught monetary policymakers anything, it was that economic prosperity required credible exchange{\textendash}rate commitments, open markets, and nondiscriminatory economic arrangements. International legalization of monetary affairs was a way to inspire private actors to once again trade and invest across national borders.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63431,
	title = {The Making of Modern Ukraine: The Western Dimension},
	year = {2000},
	month = {May 1, 2000},
	abstract = {More than fifty{\textendash}five years ago,in February 1948, the British historian Lewis Namier (1888 {\textendash}1960) delivered a lecture commemorating the centennial of the European revolution of 1848. His lecture has been published many times since then as "1848: Seed{\textendash}plot of History," in, among other places,a volume titled Vanished Supremacies. Namier{\textquoteright}s choice of 1848 as a point of departure was well founded. There is a tired clich{\'e} that 1848 was a turning point in history when history failed to turn, but that is wrong. The year 1848 saw the first European revolutions: France was at the center, and there were also revolutions in Palermo, Naples, Vienna, Berlin, Buda, and Pozna{\~n}, to name a few. It was also the year of nationalist revolutions in Central Europe and the year of publication of The Communist Manifesto, which predicted that an international proletarian revolution would abolish capitalism, the state, nations, and nationalism. In 1848,as Kathleen Burk writes in her study of A.J.P.Taylor, the Austrian, or Habsburg, Empire "was a German as well as a Balkan Power,the keystone of the Concert of Europe;there was the German nation, but no Germany; there were Italian states, some of which belonged to the Austrian Empire, and two Italian kingdoms, but no Italy; France was still perceived by all the others as the most powerful,or at least the most threatening, of the continental Powers; and Russia was predominantly a European,not an Asiatic, Power ...."},
	author = {Roman Szporluk}
}
@article {64051,
	title = {Money and the Law: Why Comply with the Public International Law of Money?},
	year = {2000},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 2000},
	abstract = {This article seeks to contribute to our understanding of international law compliance by focusing on a particular area {\textendash} the public international law of money. This is a critical terrain for examining compliance with international commitments, for money has traditionally been one of the key aspects of national sovereignty. The creation, valuation, and convertibility of a state{\textquoteright}s national currency has long been considered a national legal prerogative, as well as a potent symbol of national autonomy. Yet, after World War II, governments established for the first time in history a public international law of money, which required adherents to maintain par values for their currencies, maintain a unified exchange rate regime, keep their current accounts free from restrictions, and consult on a regular basis regarding these matters. The development of these rules allows us to ask and attempt to answer questions that go to the very purposes of international law itself: Why do sovereign governments commit themselves to international rules that will bind their future behavior? Once committed, what conditions are associated with compliance? Do governments that make specific behavioral commitments behave any differently than similarly situated countries who do not commit?  The argument developed here suggests that an international legal commitment is a signaling device that governments use to convince private market actors as well as other governments of a serious intent to eschew the proscribed behavior...},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63521,
	title = {The Political Economy of The Euro as an International Currency},
	year = {2000},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 31, 2000},
	abstract = {Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) in Europe will have important effects on international monetary affairs. This is true on both economic and policy{\textendash}making dimensions. As for the first, the euro is a major new currency whose use in international transactions will affect global monetary and financial relations in and of itself. The euro might rival the dollar as the principal international currency, which would fundamentally alter the character of other countries{\textquoteright} exchange rate policies. Or the euro might prove a feeble currency, of little import to countries not directly tied to it. In this sense, the euro{\textquoteright}s international economic role is of interest and importance.},
	author = {Frieden, Jeffry}
}
@article {63526,
	title = {Politics and Exchange Rates: A Cross-Country Approach to Latin America},
	year = {2000},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 1, 2000},
	author = {Frieden, Jeffry}
}
@article {63236,
	title = {Public-Private Partnerships for Public Health},
	year = {2000},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 2000},
	abstract = {Global health problems require global solutions, and public{\textendash}private partnerships are increasingly called on to provide these solutions. But although such partnerships may be able to produce the desired outcome, they also bring their own problems. A first{\textendash}of{\textendash}its kind workshop in April, hosted by the Harvard School of Public Health and the Global Health Council, examined the organizational and ethical challenges of partnerships, and ways to address them.},
	author = {Reich, Michael R.}
}
@article {63121,
	title = {Redistributing Income under Proportional Representation},
	journal = {Journal of Political Economy},
	volume = {108},
	number = {6},
	year = {2000},
	note = {\&nbsp;},
	month = {Dec 1, 2000},
	pages = {1235-1269},
	abstract = {Although majoritarian decision rules are the norm in legislatures, relatively few democracies use simple majority rule at the electoral stage, adopting instead some form of multiparty proportional representation. Moreover, aggregate data suggest that average income tax rates are higher, and distributions of posttax income flatter, in countries with proportional representation than in those with majority rule. While there are other differences between these countries, this paper explores how variations in the political system per se influence equilibrium redistributive tax rates and income distributions. A three{\textendash}party proportional representation model is developed in which taxes are determined through legislative bargaining among successful electoral parties, and the economic decision for individuals is occupational choice. Political{\textendash}economic equilibria for this model and for a two{\textendash}party,winner{\textendash}take{\textendash}all, majoritarian system are derived and compared.},
	author = {David Austen-Smith}
}
@article {64026,
	title = {The Role of the Scholar-Practitioner in International Conflict Resolution},
	journal = {International Studies Perspectives},
	year = {2000},
	month = {Feb 1, 2000},
	publisher = {International Studies Perspectives},
	abstract = {Can unofficial, academically based, third{\textendash}party approaches contribute to the prevention and resolution of international and intercommunal conflicts? The article focuses on one such approach, interactive problem solving, which the author has applied primarily in the Israeli{\textendash}Palestinian conflict. After describing the central took of the approach, the problem{\textendash}solving workshop, the article goes on to address the role of interactive problem solving and related approaches to the larger process of conflict resolution. In this context, it discusses the relationship of the microprocess of problem{\textendash}solving workshops to macroprocess on international conflict resolution; the relationship between official and unofficial diplomacy; the relationship between practice and scholarship in conflict resolution; the role of the university in the process; and the possibilities for institutionalizing this model of conflict resolution.},
	url = {http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/journal.asp?ref=1528-3577\&site=1},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {63971,
	title = {Dynamic Contractual Enforcement: A Model of Strikes},
	year = {1999},
	month = {Feb 1, 1999},
	abstract = {International Economic Review, 40, 209-230This paper provides a theory of strikes as part of a constrained efficient enforcement mechanism for an implicit contractual agreement. A firm possessing contemporaneously private information about demand engages in an enduring relationship with its work force. If the information becomes perfectly observable subsequently, then, modulo discounting, the first{\textendash}best is implementable, but strikes are always off the equilibrium path. If the observations of the workforce are imperfect strikes occur in equilibrium. The dynamic contracting problem is modeled as a repeated game with imperfect monitoring. The equilibrium exhibits production inefficiency and incomplete insurance to mitigate the efficiencies caused by strikes.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {62926,
	title = {U.S.-Latin American Relations During the Cold War and its Aftermath},
	journal = {Institute of Latin American Studies},
	year = {1999},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 1, 1999},
	publisher = {Institute of Latin American Studies},
	abstract = {Did the Cold War matter for US{\textendash}Latin American relations? In many respects, the answer is no. The United States had faced military, political and economic competition for influence in the Americas from extracontinental powers before the Cold War, just as it did during the Cold War. The United States had pursued ideological objectives in its policy towards Latin America before, during, and after the Cold War. And the pattern of US defence of its economic interests in Latin America was not appreciably different during the Cold War than at previous times. From these singular perspectives, it is difficult to assert that the Cold War was a signficantly distinctive period of US{\textendash}Latin American relations; it looked like {\textquoteright}more of the same{\textquoteright}.Nonetheless, the Cold War emerges as significantly distinctive in U.S. relations with Latin America because ideological considerations acquired a primacy over U.S. policy in the region that they had lacked at earlier moments. From the late 1940s until about 1960, ideology was just one of the important factors in the design of U.S. policy toward Latin America. The victory and consolidation of the Cuban revolutionary government changed that. In its subsequent conduct of the key aspects of its policy toward Latin America, the U.S. government often behaved as if it were under the spell of ideological demons.},
	url = {http://americas.sas.ac.uk/},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {61641,
	title = {Actors and Preferences in International Relations},
	year = {1999},
	month = {Jul 19, 1999},
	abstract = {This essay makes two principal points about the role of preferences in explaining international politics. First, for most analytical purposes, preferences must be kept separate from other things{\textendash}most important, from characteristics of the strategic setting. Otherwise, we are unable to distinguish between the causal role of actors{\textquoteright} interests and that of their environment. Second, scholars need to be explicit about how they determine the preferences of relevant social actors. Whether preferences are variables of interest or control variables, it is essential that they be derived clearly and unambiguously.},
	author = {Frieden, Jeffry}
}
@article {61486,
	title = {Bad Politicians},
	year = {1999},
	month = {Nov 1, 1999},
	abstract = {We present a simple theory of the quality of elected officials. Quality has (at least) two dimensions: competence and honesty. Voters prefer competent and honest policymakers, so high{\textendash}quality citizens have a greater chance of being elected to oce. But low{\textendash}quality citizens have a iacomparative advantageli in pursuing elective oce, because their market wages are lower than the market wages of high{\textendash}quality citizens (competence), and/or because they reap higher returns from holding oce (honesty). In the political equilibrium, the average quality of the elected body depends on the structure of rewards from holding public oce. Under the assumption that the rewards from once are increasing in the average quality of once holders there can be multiple equilibria in quality. Under the assumption that incumbent policymakers set the rewards for future policymakers there can be path dependence in quality.Discussion Paper 134, Institute for Empirical Macroeconomics, Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, 2000.},
	author = {Caselli, Francesco and Massimo Morelli}
}
@article {61436,
	title = {Information Technology and the Department of State: Preparing for the Diplomatic Challenges of the Digital Age},
	year = {1999},
	month = {May 27, 1999},
	abstract = {This study, conducted during the 1998{\textendash}99 academic year at Harvard University, takes a look at the foreign affairs landscape on the eve of the new millennium. Its emphasis is on examining the challenges the Department of State faces in applying updated information technology (IT) and related organizational restructuring to sustain its leadership in managing foreign affairs on behalf of the secretary of state and the president. The study is based on academic research at Harvard, close scrutiny of two reports done on State in the fall of 1998, as well as the Department{\textquoteright}s own plan for improving its IT capabilities during the first five years of the 21st century. It also includes findings from a large number of interviews with officials in Washington at the State Department, the Department of Defense, and the Central Intelligence Agency, and at overseas posts (Ottawa, Paris, Lyon, Vienna and Frankfurt).},
	author = {Michael A. Boorstein}
}
@article {62751,
	title = {The Effect of Parents{\textquoteright} Fundamentalism on Children{\textquoteright}s Educational Attainment: Examining Differences by Gender and Children{\textquoteright}s Funda},
	journal = {Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion},
	volume = {38},
	number = {1},
	year = {1999},
	month = {Jan 1, 1999},
	pages = {23-35},
	abstract = {New light has recently been shed on the influence of fundamentalist Protestant orientations on educational attainment; such reexamination has revived debates over the material consequences of culture. In this paper, Darren Sherkat and Alfred Darnell consider the effect of parents{\textquoteright} fundamentalist orientation on their childrens{\textquoteright} educational attainment. Using data from the Youth Parent Socialization Panel Study, Sherket and Darnell divide the sample to show how the influence of parents{\textquoteright} fundamentalism varies by gener of the child and by the youth{\textquoteright}s fundamentalism. They find that fundamentalist parents hinder the educational attainment of their nonfundamentalist children, and also that such parents are more supportive of male fundamentalist children{\textquoteright}s education that are non{\textendash}fundamentalist parents.},
	author = {Darren Sherkat and Alfred Darnell}
}
@article {64031,
	title = {Experiences from 30 Years of Action Research on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict},
	year = {1999},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1999},
	abstract = {The focus of this paper is on interactive problem solving, an unofficial, academically{\textendash}based, third{\textendash}party approach to the resolution of international and intercommunal conflicts. The methods of interactive problem solving are applicable to a wide variety of conflicts and have indeed been applied in a number of protracted conflicts between identity groups around the world, including Cyprus, Sri Lanka, Bosnia, and Northern Ireland. My own focus, however, for some thirty years, has been on the Arab Israeli conflict and especially on the Israeli{\textendash}Palestinian component of that conflict.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64266,
	title = {The Interdependence of Israeli and Palestinian National Identities: The Role of the Other in Existential Conflicts},
	journal = {Journal of Social Issues},
	year = {1999},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1999},
	publisher = {Journal of Social Issues},
	abstract = {The interactions between identity groups engaged in a protracted conflict lack the conditions postulated by Gordon Allport in The Nature of Prejudice (1954) as necessary if contact is to reduce intergroup prejudice. The article examines the Israeli{\textendash}Palestinian conflict from this perspective. After summarizing the history of the conflict, it proposes that a long{\textendash}term resolution of the conflict requires development of a transcendent identity for the two peoples that does not threaten the particularistic identity of each. The nature of the conflict, however, impedes the development of transcendent identity by creating a state of negative interdependence between the two identities such that asserting one group{\textquoteright}s identity requires negating the identity of the other. The resulting threat to each group{\textquoteright}s identity is further exacerbated by the fact that each side perceives the other as a source of some of its own negative identity elements, especially a view of the self as victim and as victimizer. The article concludes with a discussion of ways of overcoming the negative interdependence of the two identities by drawing on some or the positive elements in the relationship, most notably the positive interdependence between the two groups that exists in reality. Problem{\textendash}solving workshops represent one setting for equal{\textendash}status interactions that provide the parties the opportunity to "negotiate" their identities and to find ways of accommodating the identity of the other in their own identity.},
	url = {http://www.spssi.org/jsi.html},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {61461,
	title = {Technological Revolutions},
	journal = {American Economic Review},
	year = {1999},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 1999},
	publisher = {American Economic Review},
	abstract = {I present a simple model of technological revolutions. A technological revolution is the introduction of a new generation of machines that can only be operated by workers who have learned a set of machine-specific skills. If learning the new skills is more (less) costly than learning the skills associated with pre-existing technologies, the revolution is skill biased (deskilling). On impact, skill-biased (deskilling) revolutions trigger a reallocation of capital from high (low) learning cost to low(high) learning cost workers, thereby reducing the relative and absolute wage of the former. Thus, the model of skill-biased revolutions replicatesthe observed recent changes in the wage structure, and constitutes a possible interpretation of the Information Technology Revolution.
It also provides insight into the future possible behavior of the wage structure, as the diffusion of information technology continues. The model of deskilling revolutions constitutes a possible interpretation of the introduction ofthe assembly line in the early 1910s. I also present some new facts from the Annual Survey of Manufacturing. The inter-industry dispersion of capital-labor ratios has increased substantially and abruptly after 1975. Increases in capital-labor ratios between 1975 and 1990 are positively correlated across industries with changes in pay per worker, changes in the proportion of non-production workers in total employment, high average-wage levels in 1975, and high non-production worker shares in 1975. I argue that my theory constitutes one possible explanation for these facts.},
	url = {http://www.aeaweb.org/aer/},
	author = {Caselli, Francesco}
}
@article {63126,
	title = {What Drives Deregulation? Economics and Politics of the Relaxation of Bank Branching Restrictions},
	journal = {Quarterly Journal of Economics},
	volume = {114},
	year = {1999},
	note = {\&nbsp;},
	month = {Nov 1, 1999},
	pages = {1437-1467},
	abstract = {This paper investigates private{\textendash}interest, public{\textendash}interest, and political{\textendash}institutional theories of regulatory change to analyze state{\textendash}level deregulation of bank branching restrictions. Using a hazard model, we find that interest group factors related to the relative strength of potential winners (large banks and small, bank{\textendash}dependent firms) and losers (small banks and the rival insurance firms) can explain the timing of branching deregulation across states during the last quarter century. The same factors also explain congressional voting on interstate branch{\textendash}ing deregulation. While we find some support for each theory, the private interest approach provides the most compelling overall explanation of our results.},
	author = {Randall Kroszner and Philip Strahan}
}
@article {68966,
	title = {Cuba, 1959 - c. 1990},
	journal = {Cr{\'\i}tica},
	year = {1998},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Aug 1, 1998},
	publisher = {Cr{\'\i}tica},
	url = {http://critica.filosoficas.unam.mx/pg/en/index.php},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {64301,
	title = {Building a sustainable peace: The limits of pragmatism in the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	abstract = {This article argues that the strictly pragmatic, step{\textendash}by{\textendash}step approach of Oslo has reached a dead end and that cajoling the parties into signing an agreement is now irrelevant. To move the peace process to a successful conclusion, the parties must now commit themselves to a principled solution whose key elements include prior commitment to a genuine two{\textendash}state solutions the end point of the final status negotiations, provision of meaningful citizenship to the Palestinians of the territories and the refugees, and mutual acknowledgment of the other?s nationhood and humanity. Such a proposal, though seemingly utopian, represents the most realistic option at the present juncture.Published in Journal of Palestine Studies 28, no. 1 (1998): 36-50; and Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 5, no. 2 (1999): 101-115.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {63976,
	title = {Theories of Bad Policy},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	abstract = {Policy Reform, Volume 1, 1{\textendash}45Recent growth theory fails to provide a convincing account of underdevelopment in terms of economic \&quot;fundamentals\&quot;. As a result, many accounts cite \&quot;bad\&quot; government policy (including the failure to support appropriate institutions) as a casual factor behind stagnations. Yet this perspective is hard to understand from the viewpoint of welfare economics. This paper studies theories of endogenous policy which can possibly account for such bad policy. I stress three (interrelated) general intuitions about causes of bad policy which apply, irrespective of the type of political regime: 91) inability to use transfers to separate efficiency and distribution, (2) inability to commit, (3) the close connection between development and changes in the distribution of political power. I particularly stress the ability (or inability) of these theories to explain cross country differences.},
	author = {Robinson, James A.}
}
@article {61811,
	title = {Adjusting to a New Technology: Experience and Training},
	year = {1998},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {May 1, 1998},
	abstract = {In this paper we study how aggregate output responds to the arrival of a new General Purpose Technology (GPT) by looking at adjustment mechanisms that operate through labor markets. We show that under a wide set of circumstances the arrival of a new GPT that raises long{\textendash}run output can trigger a recession in the short{\textendash}run. Furthermore, we characterize features of the GPT that produce a cyclical adjustment path. An initial recession occurs whenever a higher education level is required to operate the new GPT. But a recession can also occur when the new GPT has lower educational requirements. A cyclical adjustment path is more likely when inexperienced workers are less productive with the new technology and the faster productivity rises with experience in the new sector.},
	author = {Helpman, Elhanan}
}
@article {64156,
	title = {Compliance with International Agreements},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	abstract = {The study of compliance with international agreements has gained momentum over the past few years. Since the conclusion of World War II, this research agenda had been marginalized by the predominance of realist approaches to the study of international relations. However, alternative perspectives have developed that suggest that international law and institutions are important influences on the conduct of international politics. This review examines four perspectives and assesses their contribution to understanding the conditions under which states comply with international agreements. Despite severe conceptual and methodological problems, this research has contributed significantly to our understanding of the relationship between international politics and international law and institutions.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {62931,
	title = {Free Politics and Free Markets in Latin America},
	journal = {Journal of Democracy},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Oct 1, 1998},
	publisher = {Journal of Democracy},
	abstract = {Never before in the history of Latin America have so many countries had constitutional governments, elected in free and competitive elections under effective universal suffrage, that also pursue market{\textendash}based economic policies. Early in the twentieth century, many Latin American governments favored open economies, but rulers were chosen either by narrow oligarchies or by military officers. By the middle of the century, many Latin American governments were democratically chosen, but pursued statist policies that sought, as far as possible, to sever the links between their nations{\textquoteright} economies and the world market. Thus the combination of the 1990s {\textemdash} an era of free politics and free markets - is truly without precedent.},
	url = {http://www.journalofdemocracy.org/},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {64306,
	title = {Israel in Transition from Zionism to Post-Zionism},
	journal = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
	year = {1998},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	publisher = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
	abstract = {Since the original goals of Zionism have largely been accomplished or are less relevant today, conditions are ripe for Israel{\textquoteright}s transition from Zionism to post{\textendash}Zionism. A post{\textendash}Zionist Israel {\textendash} while maintaining its Jewish character and special relationship to world Jewry {\textendash} would be a state primarily committed to protecting and advancing the interests of its citizens, regardless of ethnicity. In a post{\textendash}Zionist Israel, the status of non{\textendash}Jewish Israelis would be upgraded and the status of non{\textendash}Israeli Jews downgraded. Moreover, Israel would be integrated into the region and engaged in normal, peaceful relations with its neighbors. Many forces are promoting this transition, including the peace process, changes in Israeli{\textendash}Diaspora relations, and the liberalization of the society. Countervailing forces stem mostly from the ultra{\textendash}nationalist and orthodox religious sectors in the society. To advance the transition, Israel will have to address four major divisions within the society: the divisions between citizens and noncitizens, Jewish and Palestinian citizens, Ashkenazi and Sephardi Jews, and religious and secular Jews.},
	url = {http://www.aapss.org/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {62941,
	title = {Mexicans React to Electoral Fraud and Political Corruption: An Assessment of Public Opinion and Voting Behavior},
	journal = {Elsevier},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	publisher = {Elsevier},
	abstract = {Despite various electoral reforms enacted in Mexico between 1988 and 1994, large numbers of Mexicans doubted the honesty of elections and the general integrity of their country{\textquoteright}s policy making process. Such doubts did not automatically lead, however, to support for the opposition parties that called for greater democratization. Rather, voter preferences were largely dependent on judgments about the opposition{\textquoteright}s viability and competence. Widespread suspicions about fraud and corruption in Mexico did affect electoral outcomes by making it less likely that potential opposition supporters turned out to vote. Data are drawn from seven national public opinion surveys conducted in Mexico in 1986, 1988, 1991, 1993 (3 polls), and 1995.},
	url = {http://www.elsevier.com/wps/find/homepage.cws_home},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I. and McCann, James A.}
}
@article {64271,
	title = {The Place of Ethnic Identity in the Development of Personal Identity: A Challenge for the Jewish Family},
	journal = {Oxford University Press},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	abstract = {This article presents a general approach to the development of personal identity, exploring the ways in which various group identities may be incorporated into the emerging personal identity of an individual. It is hoped that this general scheme will have some implications for the question of how Jewish identity can be built into the personal identity of Jewish children, and what role Jewish education might play in this process.The approach is based on a conceptual model developed for the analysis of social influence and extended to the analysis of personal involvement in social systems. This model is not specifically addressed to identity formation, but it has some relevance to the development of identity both at the level of the individual and at that of the group {\textendash} that is, both to personal and to national or ethnic identity. The purpose of this article is to explore the implications of this model for identity formation at these two levels, with special reference to Jewish family.},
	url = {http://www.oup.co.uk/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {62956,
	title = {Security, Peace, and Democracy in Latin America and the Caribbean: Challenges for the Post-Cold War Era},
	journal = {University of Pittsburgh Press},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	publisher = {University of Pittsburgh Press},
	abstract = {The prospects for peace and security in the Americas improved as the cold war ended in Europe. Peace settlements were reached in the civil wars in Nicaragua (1989{\textendash}90), El Salvador (1992), and Guatemala (1996). The Cuban government stopped providing military support to revolutionaries in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Chile. And Colombia{\textquoteright}s M{\textendash}19 movement, El Salvador{\textquoteright}s Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front, and Guatemala{\textquoteright}s National Revolutionary Union transformed themselves from guerilla organizations into political parties. Nonetheless, as David Mares [has shown], Latin American countries have been involved in a militarized interstate dispute with a neighboring country on average nearly once a year for the past century.},
	url = {http://www.upress.pitt.edu/upressIndex.aspx},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {64041,
	title = {Social-Psychological Contributions to Peacemaking and Peacebuilding in the Middle East},
	journal = {Applied Psychology: An International Review},
	year = {1998},
	month = {Feb 1, 1998},
	publisher = {Applied Psychology: An International Review},
	url = {http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/journal.asp?ref=0269-994x},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64151,
	title = {Theories and Empirical Studies of International Institutions},
	year = {1998},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 1998},
	abstract = {The article is organized into three major sections. The first section provides an analytical review of the development of studies of international institutions. From the beginning, the pages of IO have been filled with insightful studies of institutions, in some cases asking questions consistent with the research agenda we propose in this essay. But the lack of a disciplinary foundation in the early years meant that many good insights were simply lost, not integrated into other scholars{\textquoteright} research...  The second section explicitly addresses a theme that arises from the review of scholarship on institutions; whether international politics needs to be treated as sui generis, with its own theories and approaches that are distinct from other fields of political science, or whether it fruitfully can draw on theories of domestic politics...  The third section turns to the problem of research agendas. Where does scholarship on international institutions go next? Our primary argument in this section is that attention needs to focus on how, not just whether, international institutions matter for world politics...},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63566,
	title = {Violence and the Sacred in Nineteenth-Century France},
	year = {1998},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1998},
	author = {Caroline Ford}
}
@article {62051,
	title = {A New Bankruptcy Procedure That Uses Multiple Auctions},
	year = {1997},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Nov 1, 1997},
	abstract = {We developed a new bankruptcy procedure that makes use of multiple auctions. The procedure is designed to work even when capital markets do not function well (for example in developing economies, or in economies in transition){\textendash}although it can be used in all economies.},
	author = {Rafael LaPorta and Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes and Oliver Hart and John Moore}
}
@article {63196,
	title = {{\textquestiondown}Comienza una Transici{\'o}n Hacia el Autoritarismo en Cuba?},
	journal = {Revista encuentro de la Cultura Cubana},
	volume = {6},
	year = {1997},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 1997},
	abstract = {Las discusiones sobre el r{\'e}gimen pol{\'\i}tico que impera en Cuba se caracterizan por un consenso peculiar. Fidel Castro y los m{\'a}s altos funcionarios del gobierno y del Partido Comunista de Cuba insisten en que no ha cambiado nada fundamental; persiste un r{\'e}gimen "socialista" de partido {\'u}nico. Por otra parte, los enemigos m{\'a}s ac{\'e}rrimos de ese r{\'e}gimen, sobre todo quienes radican en Estados Unidos, afirman lo mismo: nada fundamental ha cambiado y, por supuesto, no hay democratizaci{\'o}n. Sugiero en este art{\'\i}culo que Cuba ya transita de un r{\'e}gimen pol{\'\i}tico hacia otro, aunque sea una transici{\'o}n incompleta. Hoy el r{\'e}gimen pol{\'\i}tico cubano comienza a aproximarse a lo que se podr{\'\i}a llamar un r{\'e}gimen autoritario.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {63571,
	title = {Golden Rule Christianity: Lived Religion in the American Mainstream},
	year = {1997},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 27, 1997},
	abstract = {Vanishing Boundaries, the recently published book by Hoge, Johnson, and Luidens examines the religious lives of a cohort of baby boomers confirmed in Presbyterian churches in the 1950s and 1960s. The authors look for what has happened to them since and just what sort of religiosity, if any, they are practicing today. Among those who are currently connected to churches, a majority are what they call "lay liberals". This group scores low on "orthodox" Christian beleifs, such as traditional views about the Bible, believing that Jesus is the only way to salvation, and emphasizing the next world over this one. They are, by contrast, very this{\textendash}wordly and do not think either that the Bible should be taken literally or that Christianity has a corner on the truth. They also attend church much less than others. For all these reasons, lay liberals do not get the ringing endorsements from Hoge, Johnson, and Luidens, nor from the many other sociologists and theologians who have recognized similar categories of non{\textendash}orthodox churchgoers. Implicitly, most observers seem to measure strength of belief and commitment against a norm defined by evagelicalism, equating that with "religiosity" and painting these non{\textendash}exclusivist, less involved practitioners as simply lower on the scale. In this essay I suggest that "lay liberals" are not simply lower on the religiosity scale. Rather, they are a pervasive religious type that deserves to be understood on its own terms.},
	author = {Nancy T. Ammerman}
}
@article {64046,
	title = {Group Processes in the Resolution of International Conflicts: Experiences from the Israeli-Palestinian Case},
	journal = {American Psychologist},
	year = {1997},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 1997},
	publisher = {American Psychologist},
	abstract = {For over 20 years, political influential Israelis and Palestinians have met in private, unofficial, academically based, problem{\textendash}solving workshops designed to enable the parties to explore each other{\textquoteright}s perspective, generate joint ideas for mutually satisfactory solutions to their conflict, and transfer insights and ideas derived from their interaction into the policy process. Most of the work takes place in small groups, but the focus is on promoting change in the larger system. This article discusses 5 ways in which the workshop group serves as a vehicle for change at the macrolevel. It does so by functioning as a microcosm of the larger system, as a laboratory for producing inputs into the larger system, as a setting for direct interaction, as a coalition across conflict lines, and as a nucleus for a new relationship.},
	url = {http://www.apa.org/journals/amp/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {62746,
	title = {The Impact of Protestant Fundamentalism on Educational Attainment},
	journal = {American Sociological Review},
	volume = {62},
	year = {1997},
	month = {Apr 1, 1997},
	pages = {306-315},
	abstract = {After the debates that raged during the 1960s and 1970s, sociologists lost interest in studying the material consequences of religious orientations. In this article, Alfred Darnell and Darren Sherkat use insider documents from conservative Protestant communities to reopen this issue. They begin by examining how fundamentalist Protestant cultural orientations discourage educational pursuits. Employing data from the Youth Parent Socialization Panel Study, they demonstrate that fundamentalist beliefs and conservate Protestant affiliation both have significant and substantial negative influences on educational attainment above and beyond social background factors.},
	author = {Alfred Darnell and Darren Sherkat}
}
@article {64281,
	title = {Nationalism, Patriotism, and National Identity: Social-psychological Dimensions},
	year = {1997},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1997},
	abstract = {One of the paradoxes of the contemporary world is the continuing and, in many places, growing strength of nationalist ideology at a time when the weaknesses and limitations of the nation{\textendash}state are becoming increasingly apparent. Many observers agree that the basic conditions for achieving human dignity {\textendash} for meeting human needs and assuring human rights {\textendash} must be established on a worldwide basis, through cooperative transnational efforts. To this end, nation{\textendash}states must be prepared to yield a degree of their national sovereignty, to expand their range of empathy, and to think in terms of global rather than entirely national interests. In short, the realization of human dignity in the contemporary world requires changes in the nationalistic assumptions that have dominated the international system and curtailments of nationalistic demands and aspirations. Yet, throughout the world, people continue to look to the nation{\textendash}state as the primary provider of human dignity. The populations of established nation{\textendash}states expect the state to ensure that their needs will be met and their rights protected. At the same time, the idea of the nation{\textendash}state is repeatedly infused with new energy and vitality as movements of national liberation seek to establish independent states to assure dignity for oppressed populations.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64276,
	title = {Negotiating National Identity and Self-Determination in Ethnic Conflicts: The Choice Between Pluralism and Ethnic Cleansing},
	journal = {Negotiation Journal},
	year = {1997},
	note = {},
	month = {Oct 5, 1997},
	publisher = {Negotiation Journal},
	abstract = {The contradictions of ethnonational identity, which make it a prime force in both the promotion and the destruction of human dignity and social justice, have become more pronounced with the ending of the Cold War. It is necessary to reconceptualize national identity and develop new norms for accepting a group{\textquoteright}s right to national self{\textendash}determination through establishment of an independent state expressing its national identity, and even for accepting its claim to national identity itself. This article proposes that (1) implementation of a group{\textquoteright}s right to self{\textendash}determination cannot be left to the group alone, but must be negotiated with those who are affected by that decision, particularly minority populations; and (2) national identity itself must be "negotiated" {\textendash} explored and discussed {\textendash} with those who are affected by the group{\textquoteright}s self{\textendash}definition.},
	url = {http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/journal.asp?ref=0748-4526},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64061,
	title = {Negotiation as Interactive Problem Solving},
	journal = {International Negotiation: A Journal of Theory and Practice},
	year = {1997},
	month = {Oct 5, 1997},
	publisher = {International Negotiation: A Journal of Theory and Practice},
	abstract = {The use of the term interactive problem solving as a metaphors for negotiation implies that conflicting parties have shared a problem {\textendash} essentially a problem in their relationship {\textendash} which needs to be solved by addressing the underlying causes and the dynamics of the conflict in an interactive process. The term has been used to describe an unofficial third{\textendash}party approach to conflict resolution, which typically brings together politically influential representatives of two parties in conflict for direct communication in problem{\textendash}solving workshops. The present article draws on the experiences from this micro{\textendash}process to develop a framework for the macro{\textendash}process of negotiation. Within this framework, it describes the ultimate goal of negotiation as transformation of the relationship between the parties, which requires an agreement that addresses the four fundamental needs and dears of both parties on a basis of reciprocity. It then discusses four components of negotiation {\textendash} identification and analysis of the problem, joint shaping of ideas for solution, influencing, the other side, and creating a supportive political environment {\textendash} and procedures that the metaphor of interactive problem solving suggests for each. Finally, it identifies vehicles for integrating the perspective of interactive problem solving into the larger negotiation process.},
	url = {http://interneg.org/in/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64311,
	title = {Some Determinants of the Oslo Breakthrough},
	journal = {International Negotiation},
	year = {1997},
	month = {Jan 1, 1997},
	publisher = {International Negotiation},
	abstract = {The breakthrough character of the Oslo agreement is attributed to the mutual recognition between the State of Israel and the PLO and the opening of direct negotiations between them. The parties were induced to go to Oslo and negotiate an agreement there by macro{\textendash}level forces evolving over some time; Long{\textendash}term changes, going back to the 1967 War, and short{\textendash}term strategic and domestic{\textendash}political considerations, resulting from the Gulf War and the end of the Cold War, created new interests that persuaded them of the necessity of negotiating a compromise; and unofficial interactions between the two sides over the course of two decades persuaded them of the possibility of doing so. Once the parties decided to negotiate, the micro{\textendash}process provided by Oslo, with its peculiar mixture of track{\textendash}one and track{\textendash}two elements, contributed to the success of negotiations. Key elements included secrecy, the setting, the status of the initial participants, the nature of the third party, and the nature of the mediation process. Finally, what made the accord viable were some of its main substantive features, including the exchange of letters of mutual recognition, the distinction between the interim and the final stage, and the territorial base and early empowerment of the Palestinian Authority.},
	url = {http://www.kluwerlawonline.com/static.php?area=Journals+Archive\&page=journalsarchive},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {63241,
	title = {Technopols: Ideas and Leaders in Freeing Politics and Markets in Latin America in the 1990s},
	year = {1997},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1997},
	abstract = {"Men make their own history," Karl Marx wrote in 1852, "but they do not make it just as they please." Scholars of Latin America have spent much energy understanding the second half of that sentence, namely, the importance of structures and their legacies... [W]e are mindful of that second half but call attention to its first half: the conscious choices made by some political actors in the 1980s and 1990s in Latin America to foster freer politics and freer markets and, in that way, to reinvent Latin American history.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {62946,
	title = {U.S.-Cuban Relations: From the Cold War to the Colder War},
	journal = {Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs},
	year = {1997},
	month = {Jan 1, 1997},
	publisher = {Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs},
	abstract = {Hundreds of thousands of Cuban troops deployed to nearly every corner of the globe {\textendash} that seemed to be the nightmare of every US administration from the mid{\textendash}1970s to the end of the 1980s. From its own perspective, President Fidel Castro{\textquoteright}s government attempted to use its activist foreign policy first to protect itself from hostile US policies, and second to leverage support from the Soviet Union and other communist countries for Cuba{\textquoteright}s own domestic development.The first proposition had been articulated by Ernesto "Che" Guevara in the 1960s when he called on revolutionaries to create "two, three Vietnams" in order to confront and weaken the United States and its allies. Even as the Cuban government gradually edged away from ample support for many revolutionary insurgencies, the strategy of global engagement as the best defense against US offense persisted. The second proposition developed in the 1970s. Although Cuba{\textquoteright}s decisions to deploy troops or to undertake other internationalist missions were characteristically its own, it also furthered a long{\textendash}term tendency to coordinate such policies with those of the Soviet Union, demonstrating thereby that Cuba was the Soviet Union{\textquoteright}s most reliable foreign policy ally in the Cold War, and providing a basis for a substantial claim on Soviet resources.},
	url = {http://www.jstor.org/journals/00221937.html},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {64381,
	title = {Rulers of the Game: Central Bank Independence During the Interwar Years},
	journal = {International Organization},
	year = {1996},
	note = {},
	month = {Jun 1, 1996},
	publisher = {International Organization},
	abstract = {The recent experience of the European Monetary System has once again brought the problem of international monetary instability to scholars{\textquoteright} and policymakers{\textquoteright} attention.
In 1992, German interest rate hikes meant to address growing inflationary pressures within Germany sparked speculation against the pound and lira that eventually led England and Italy to devalue their currencies and to leave the European Monetary System{\textquoteright}s Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM). A year later, the fluctuation bands linking the participating currencies of Europe were widened from 2.5 percent to 15 percent, rendering the system almost as loose as floating exchange rates.},
	url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayJournal?jid=INO},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {62951,
	title = {Shaping Mexico{\textquoteright}s Electoral Arena: The Construction of Partisan Cleavages in the 1988 and 1991 National Elections},
	journal = {American Political Science Review},
	year = {1995},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Mar 1, 1995},
	publisher = {American Political Science Review},
	abstract = {In the 1998 and 1991 national elections, Mexican voters asked themselves above all whether they continued to support the long{\textendash}ruling official party. Voter behavior was not well explained by attachments to social cleavages, attitudes on policy issues, or general assessments about the present circumstances and the prospects for the nation{\textquoteright}s economy or personal finances. In both elections, moreover, the parties of the Left failed to mobilize voters that had chosen to abstain in past elections. Once voters were ready to oppose the ruling party, however, differences by issue, prospective economic assessments, and social cleavages shaped their choice between opposition parties.},
	url = {http://www.apsanet.org/section_327.cfm},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I. and McCann, James A.}
}
@article {64071,
	title = {Contributions of an Unofficial Conflict Resolution Effort to the Israeli-Palestinian Breakthrough},
	journal = {Negotiation Journal},
	year = {1995},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1995},
	publisher = {Negotiation Journal},
	abstract = {Since the widely publicized signing of the accord between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) in September of 1993, there has been general recognition of the role that unofficial efforts have played directly or indirectly {\textendash} in making this agreement possible.
The Oslo, Norway talks themselves, from which this accord emerged, cannot be characterized as an instance of "unofficial" of "track two" diplomacy. Rather, the Oslo talks were a form of back{\textendash}channel negotiations, which contained a mixture of official and unofficial {\textendash} track one and track two {\textendash} elements. The Oslo negotiations demonstrated dramatically, however, that private, nonofficial individuals and settings can play a significant role in advancing a negotiating process that had reached an impasse at the official level. The heightened awareness of the potential contributions of unofficial inputs served to remind observers of the contacts and interactions between Israelis and Palestinians that had been organized over the years by a variety of unofficial third parties and that helped lay the groundwork for the recent developments.},
	url = {http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/journal.asp?ref=0748-4526},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64096,
	title = {The Secrets of Castro{\textquoteright}s Staying Power: How Cuban Communism Survives},
	year = {1993},
	note = {},
	month = {Mar 1, 1993},
	abstract = {Shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall it became common in Washington and Miami to bet on the date that Fidel Castro would fall. Those bets were based on the premise that the Cuban regime could not survive without Soviet support. Gone was the Soviet economic subsidy worth no less than one{\textendash}sixth of the island{\textquoteright}s total gross product; gone were the weapons transfers free of charge. From 1989 to 1992 the Cuban economy contracted sharply, with imports shrinking from $8.1 billion to $2.2 billion. Yet the Cuban regime remains with Fidel Castro firmly at its helm. How has Cuban communism managed to survive?},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {64226,
	title = {The Social Context of Torture: Policy Process and Authority Structure},
	year = {1993},
	month = {Jan 1, 1993},
	abstract = {The essential phenomenon of torture, however is that it is not an ordinary crime, but a crime of obedience: a crime that takes place, not in opposition to the authorities, but under explicit instructions from the authorities to engage in acts of torture, or in an environment in which such acts are implicitly sponsored, expected, or at least tolerated by the authorities. Lee Hamilton and I have defined a crime of obedience as "an act performed in response to orders from authority that is considered illegal or immoral by the larger community." Torture is clearly considered illegal and immoral by the international community; it is prohibited by international declarations and conventions that have been unanimously adopted by member states of the United Nations. Yet it is the authorities of these very states that order, encourage, or tolerated systematic policies or sporadic acts of torture.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64111,
	title = {Why Innovate? Founding the Bank for International Settlements, 1929-1930},
	year = {1993},
	note = {},
	month = {Apr 1, 1993},
	abstract = {Theories of the development, maintenance, and adaptation of international institutions have been at the center of scholarship in international political economy in the past decade. Functionalist logic, often based on game{\textendash}theoretic representations of strategic state behavior, has been especially influential in explaining the demand for international institutions. These theories point to the role of international institutions in infusing international relations with a greater degree of certainty, to the general longer{\textendash}term benefit of cooperating nations. This article draws on a distinct but parallel development in the economic literature on international finance: dynamic contracting and rational expectations approaches to capital market suboptimality. Like functional theories of international cooperation, this approach focuses on the dynamics that lead to inefficient outcomes and provides a theoretical rationale for the development of international institutions to overcome these inefficiencies. When applied in the context of the policy preferences of the key actors (the governments of the major powers, their central bankers, and the dominant international bankers of the day), this approach makes it possible to explain not only the impetus for international financial cooperation, but also why this effort converged on an international financial institution such as the Bank for International Settlements.},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {64076,
	title = {Coalitions Across Conflict Lines: The Interplay of Conflicts Within and Between the Israeli and Palestinian Communities},
	year = {1991},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 1, 1991},
	abstract = {For some years now, my colleagues and I have been evolving an unofficial third{\textendash}party approach to the resolution of intense, protracted conflicts between identity groups at the international and intercommunal levels. Within that category, I have worked extensively on the Arab-Israeli conflict, with primary emphasis on the Israeli{\textendash}Palestinian component of that conflict. I have also done work over the years on the conflict between the Greek and Turkish communities in Cyprus and have followed other protracted identity conflicts around the world.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {61376,
	title = {A Primer for the Nuclear Age},
	year = {1990},
	month = {Jan 1, 1990},
	abstract = {This occasional paper is an edited version of a briefing book that was designed by members of Harvard University{\textquoteright}s Avoiding Nuclear War Project and distributed among newly appointed officials in the Bush administration. Originally designed to help combat the lack of institutional memory on nuclear issues in the American government, these fourteen chapters also provide an interesting overview of these issues for a broader audience. \&quot;\&quot;A Primer for the Nuclear Age\&quot;\&quot; addresses the danger, effects, development, strategy, and force structure of nuclear weapons as well as assessing the influence of domestic and international politics on nuclear weapons policy. Co{\textendash}published with the Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University.},
	author = {Allison, Graham T., Jr.}
}
@article {63246,
	title = {Immigration as Foreign Policy in U.S.-Latin American Relations},
	year = {1990},
	note = {},
	month = {May 1, 1990},
	abstract = {Since the early years in their histories as independent nations, the United States and its southern near{\textendash}neighbors have been linked through their foreign policies and the movements of their peoples. In the nineteenth century, the acquisition of the Floridas and the conquest of northern Mexico by the United States led to substantial movements of people. Later in the same century, the U.S. conquest of the remnants of Spain{\textquoteright}s American empire contributed to the hispanization of the population of the United States. In the twentieth century, U.S. immigration policy turned generally restrictionist. Foreign policy concerns, however, led the government to permit and even, for a time, to stimulate Mexican immigration to the United States. Consistent with its policies toward the Soviet bloc, the U.S. government also stimulated migration from Cuba for a certain period. These U.S. policies have been supplemented by those determined and ingenious people who, drawn by the promise of the words inscribed on the Statue of Liberty, have entered the United States illegally. As a result, the United States is already the fifth largest Spanish{\textendash}speaking country in the world.},
	author = {Dom{\'\i}nguez, Jorge I.}
}
@article {64316,
	title = {The Political Psychology of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: How can we overcome the barriers to a negotiated solution?},
	journal = {Political Psychology},
	year = {1987},
	month = {Feb 1, 1987},
	publisher = {Political Psychology},
	abstract = {Six political{\textendash}psychological assumptions are presented as the basis for this paper{\textquoteright}s argument that direct Israeli{\textendash}Palestinian negotiations are necessary and possible and for its delineation of the requirements of such negotiations. The last of these assumptions {\textendash} that neither party will enter negotiations that leave its right to national existence in doubt {\textendash} is linked to the psychological core of the conflict: its perception by the parties as a zero{\textendash}sum conflict around national identity and existence. This view has led to a mutual denial of each other{\textquoteright}s identity and right to exist and systematic efforts to delegitimize the other. Such efforts have undermined the steps toward negotiation that leaders on both sides have in fact taken because each defines the negotiating framework in ways that are profoundly threatening to the other. Negotiations are possible only in a framework of mutual recognition, which makes it clear that recognition of the other{\textquoteright}s rights represents assertion, rather than abandonment, of one{\textquoteright}s own rights. Such negotiations can be facilitated through a prenegotiation process conducive to differentiation of the enemy image, including a breakdown of the monolithic view of the enemy camp, a distinction between the enemy{\textquoteright}s ideological dreams and operational programs, and a differentiation between negative and positive components of the other{\textquoteright}s ideology and symbols of legitimacy.},
	url = {http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/journal.asp?ref=0162-895X\&site=1},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64161,
	title = {Theories of International Regimes},
	year = {1987},
	note = {},
	month = {Jul 1, 1987},
	abstract = {Over the last ten years, international regimes emerged as a major focus of empirical research and theoretical debate within international relations. The interest in regimes sprang from a dissatisfaction with dominant conceptions of international order, authority, and organization. The sharp contrast between the competitive, zero{\textendash}sum "anarch" of interstate relations and the "authority" of domestic politics seemed overdrawn in explaining cooperative behavior among the advanced industrial states. The policy dilemmas created by the growth of interdependence since World War II generated new forms of coordination and organization that fit uneasily in a realist framework...  We begin by briefly surveying the contending definitions of international regimes, which range from patterned behavior, to convergent norms and expectations, to explicit injunctions. We then suggest a number of dimensions along which regimes vary over time or across cases; these dimensions have been or might be used to operationalize "regime change." They include strength, organizational form, scope, and allocational mode. The third section examines four theoretical approaches to regimes {\textendash} structural, game{\textendash}theoretic, functional, and cognitive {\textendash} and attempts to clarify what each theory can and cannot tell us about regimes.  In the conclusion, we ask how and whether regimes "matter..."},
	author = {Beth A. Simmons}
}
@article {63166,
	title = {Of Arsenic And Old Laws: Looking Anew At Criminal Justice in Late Imperial China},
	journal = {California Law Review},
	volume = {72},
	number = {1180},
	year = {1984},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 1, 1984},
	pages = {1-52},
	abstract = {The Chinese have a long{\textendash}standing tradition of using history to comment upon contemporary events. This article attempts to advance our understanding of the formal criminal justice process in late imperial China by reconstructing from archival materials and analyzing one of the most celebrated criminal cases in Chinese history {\textemdash} that of Yang Nai{\textendash}wu and Hsiao{\textendash}pai{\textendash}ts{\textquoteright}ai. It is a sign of the state of our explorations of the Chinese legal tradition that no Western scholar has ever written about the case, that no Chinese scholar has produced a definitive account of it and its overall significance, and that no scholar, Chinese or foreign, has yet charted in meaningful and explicated detail the full course of any imperial Chinese case that traversed the entire formal criminal justice system from the level of the district magistrate to the highest reaches of the imperial government...In addition, fluid had started to seep into the corpse{\textquoteright}s eyes and ears, further complicating the autopsy laid out in\&nbsp;Hsi-yuan lu, the classic Chinese coroner{\textquoteright}s manual... In his memorial, Pien Pao-ch{\textquoteright}uan did not restrict his criticism to Yang Ch{\textquoteright}ang-chun and Hu Jui-Ian...},
	author = {Alford, William P.}
}
@article {64321,
	title = {Conversations with Arafat: A social-psychological assessment of the prospects for Israeli-Palestinian peace},
	journal = {American Psychologist},
	year = {1983},
	note = {},
	month = {Feb 1, 1983},
	publisher = {American Psychologist},
	abstract = {Genuine peace between Israelis and Palestinians requires mutual acknowledgment of each people{\textquoteright}s right to political expression of its national identity within the land they both claim. Negotiations must focus, therefore, on developing a formula for sharing the land. Furthermore, since most Palestinians perceive the PLO as their legitimate representative, only it {\textendash} or some agency directly deriving legitimacy from it {\textendash} has the capacity to negotiate an agreement that will elicit widespread acceptance and commitment among Palestinians.
In light of these two assumptions, the PLO leadership{\textquoteright}s potential readiness for peace becomes critical to the success of negotiations. This article argues that the PLO under Arafat{\textquoteright}s leadership has signaled such readiness, and it discusses political and psychological reasons for the continuing ambiguity and inconsistency of these signals. Analysis of Arafat{\textquoteright}s cognitive style and image of the enemy, as revealed in two lengthy conversations with the author, reinforces the hypothesis that he has the capacity and will negotiate an agreement with Israel, based on mutual recognition and peaceful coexistence, if offered necessary incentives and reassurances. This article discusses methodological questions raised by the analysis and concludes with recommendations for testing the hypothesis derived from the analysis through the policy process.},
	url = {http://www.apa.org/journals/amp/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64196,
	title = {Reflections on the History and Status of Peace Research},
	year = {1981},
	month = {Jan 1, 1981},
	abstract = {Depending on our tastes and definitions, we can take quite divergent views on what constitutes the beginnings of peace research. The range of possible dates becomes narrower when we think of the beginnings of peace research movement. I refer here to deliberate, organized efforts to mobilize the resources of different disciplines {\textendash} especially, but not exclusively, the mathematical models and quantitative methods developed in the social sciences {\textendash} for studying the conditions of peace and war. Even the beginnings of the peace research movement, however, cannot be dated precisely, since it is in the very nature of a movement that similar ideas and activities spring up almost simultaneously in different places and under different guises.},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64231,
	title = {The Role of Action in Attitude Change},
	journal = {University of Nebraska Press},
	year = {1980},
	month = {Feb 1, 1980},
	publisher = {University of Nebraska Press},
	abstract = {The relationship of action to attitude change has been a central and recurrent theme in my work ever since my doctoral dissertation (Kelman, 1953). I have written several theoretical papers on this issue over the years (Kelman, 1962a, 1974a, 1974b, 1978), and during the 1960s several colleagues and I were engaged in an experimental program on the relationship of discrepant action and attitude change. Some of the results of this program are described in Kelman and Baron (1974), but most of the experiments are still unpublished. The relationship between action and attitude change has also entered importantly into my work in various applied contexts, including psychotherapy (Kelman, 1963), international exchange (Kelman, 1962b, 1975), and conflict resolution (Kelman, 1972; Kelman \&amp; Cohen, 1979). I therefore welcome the opportunity, provided by the Nebraska Symposium, to draw together some of my ideas in this area and to distill some of the generalizations that have emerged from my work. I am particularly intrigued with noting some of the continuities and changes in my thinking over the years, as I have moved back and forth between experimental and applied work. It is exciting to observe the way these two lines of activity inform and stimulate each other and thus contribute to theoretical refinement.},
	url = {http://unp.unl.edu/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64326,
	title = {Israelis and Palestinians: Psychological Prerequisites for Mutual Acceptance},
	journal = {International Security},
	year = {1978},
	month = {Feb 1, 1978},
	publisher = {International Security},
	abstract = {Many observers of the Middle East conflict now regard the establishment of an independent Palestinian problem. Such a state would live side by side with an independent Israel, based more or less within its pre{\textendash}1967 boundaries. This solution envisages a Palestinian state that would be free to decide for itself what kinds of links, if any, it wants to establish with Jordan or with any other country. It further assumes that the state would offer opportunities for citizenship and leadership to Palestinians in the diaspora, including elements of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), provided they accept the principle of peaceful coexistence with Israel.},
	url = {http://bcsia.ksg.harvard.edu/publications.cfm?program=ISP\&pb_id=14\&gma=14\&gmi=37},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64336,
	title = {The Conditions, Criteria, and Dialectics of Human Dignity: A Transnational Perspective},
	journal = {International Studies Quarterly},
	year = {1977},
	note = {},
	month = {Sep 1, 1977},
	publisher = {International Studies Quarterly},
	abstract = {Human dignity refers to the status of individuals as ends in themselves rather than means to extraneous ends. To be consistent with dignity, institutions must provide for their constituencies{\textquoteright} identity and community {\textendash} the two components of dignity. These correspond roughly to individual freedom and social justice, which are seen as interdependent conditions of dignity. Achievement, extension, and preservation of human dignity are to a large extent a transnational enterprise.
The paper addresses three issues in the realization of dignity in which the transnational dimension plays a significant role. It proposes (1) that the conditions for realizing human dignity (which include international peace in addition to social justice and individual freedom) must be created through worldwide efforts, given our increasing global interdependence; (2) that the criteria for assessing whether policies and institutional arrangements are consistent with human dignity must be universalistic, while remaining respectful of cultural and political difference; and (3) that the social processes whereby human dignity is extended and protected are inherently dialectical, since they require both the fulfillment and the inhibition of nationalistic demands.},
	url = {http://www.public.iastate.edu/~isq/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64241,
	title = {Attitudes Are Alive and Well and Gainfully Employed in the Sphere of Action},
	journal = {American Psychologist},
	year = {1974},
	note = {},
	month = {May 1, 1974},
	publisher = {American Psychologist},
	abstract = {In my own view of social behavior, attitude is a central concept, and I regard the study of attitudes as a legitimate pursuit in its own right and as useful component of a multimethod research strategy. For example, studies of the structure and distribution of public attitudes on various social issues or of the determinants of attitude change can greatly contribute to our understanding of societal processes. In particular, attitude assessment combined with other research procedures {\textendash} such as structural indexes in studies of organizational functioning or behavioral observations in studies of child{\textendash}rearing practices {\textendash} can add depth and perspective to the analysis of social phenomena. Too often, however, research has focused on attitudes, not so much because of primary interest in attitudes per se or in their contribution to complex social processes, but because the assessment of attitudes was the easiest and most convenient way of obtaining data. It is obviously more convenient to distribute questionnaires in our classes, asking students how they would be likely to react in a variety of situations, than to observe their behavior in such situations, or to ask a sample of some population about the functioning of their organization, community, or society, than to make the detailed observations and develop the elaborate indexes needed to study a social system more directly. In many of our laboratory experiments too, after investing a great deal of energy and ingenuity in manipulation the independent variables, we have used attitudes as the cheapest and most painless dependent variable for assessing the effects of our manipulations.},
	url = {http://www.apa.org/journals/amp/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64236,
	title = {Social Influence and Linkages Between the Individual and the Social System: Further Thoughts on the Processes of Compliance, Ide},
	journal = {Aldine},
	year = {1974},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1974},
	publisher = {Aldine},
	abstract = {In the early 1950s I developed a theoretical framework for the analysis of social influence, based on a qualitative distinction between three processes of influence: compliance, identification, and internalization. For each of these, a distinct set of antecedents and consequents is postulated. The model is particularly concerned with specifying the conditions under which changes induced by social influence attempts are temporary and superficial and, by contrast, those under which such changes are lasting and integrated into the person{\textquoteright}s belief and value systems. A summary of the model and of the research based on it was published over ten years ago (Kelman 1961). Several experimental tests of the model have been reported (Kelman 1958; Kelman 1960; Kelman and Cohler 1965; Kelman and Eagly 1965). Furthermore, the model has been extended to the study of attitude{\textendash}discrepant behavior (Kelman 1962; Kelman, Baron, Sheposh, and Lubalin, forthcoming) and applied to the analysis of influence processes in psychotherapy (Kelman 1963) in international educational exchange (Bailyn and Kelman 1962), and in the integration of individuals into the national system (Kelman 1969).},
	url = {http://www.transactionpub.com/cgi-bin/transactionpublishers.storefront/46d5c1f3013ce6daea6fc0a80aa5075e/UserTemplate/9},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64341,
	title = {Violence Without Moral Restraint: Reflections on the Dehumanization of Victims and Victimizers},
	journal = {Journal of Social Issues},
	year = {1973},
	month = {Jan 1, 1973},
	publisher = {Journal of Social Issues},
	abstract = {The paper identifies a class of violent acts that can best be described as sanctioned massacres. The special features of sanctioned massacres are that they occur in the context of a genocidal policy, and that they are directed at groups that have not themselves threatened or engaged in hostile actions against the perpetrators of the violence. The psychological environment in which such massacres occur lacks the conditions normally perceived as providing some degree of moral justification for violence. In searching for a psychological explanation of mass violence under these conditions, it is instructive to focus on factors reducing the strength of restraining forces against violence. Three interrelated processes are discussed in detail: (a) processes of authorization, which define the situation as one in which standard moral principles do not apply and the individual is absolved of responsibility to make personal moral choices; (b) processes of routinization, which so organize the action that there is no opportunity for raising moral questions and making moral decisions; and (c) processes of dehumanization which deprive both the victim and victimizer of identity and community. The paper concludes with suggestions for corrective efforts that might help to prevent sanctioned massacres by counteracting the systemic and attitudinal supports for the processes described.},
	url = {http://www.spssi.org/jsi.html},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64291,
	title = {Language as an Aid and Barrier to Involvement in the National System},
	journal = {University Press of Hawaii},
	year = {1971},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 1, 1971},
	publisher = {University Press of Hawaii},
	abstract = {The basic thesis that I would like to develop in this discussion is that language is a uniquely powerful instrument in unifying a diverse population and in involving individuals and subgroups in the national system. However, some of the very features of language that give it this power under some circumstances may, under other circumstances, become major sources of disintegration and internal conflict within a national system. These considerations should have some definite implications for language policy not only in developing nations but also in long{\textendash}established nations marked by diglossia {\textendash} whether officially recognized (as in Canada or in Belgium) or unrecognized (as in the United States). Specifically, I will try to argue that, while the development of a national language may be highly conducive to the creation and strengthening of national identity, the deliberate use of language for purposes of national identity may {\textendash} at least in a multiethnic state {\textendash} have more disruptive than unifying consequences.},
	url = {http://www.uhpress.hawaii.edu/cart/shopcore/?db_name=uhpress},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64296,
	title = {Patterns of Personal Involvement in the National System: A Social-Psychological Analysis of Political Legitimacy},
	journal = {Free Press},
	year = {1969},
	note = {Download PDF},
	month = {Jan 29, 1969},
	publisher = {Free Press},
	abstract = {Nationalism is widely regarded as a powerful force in the world today. In Europe, where it has been discredited as a result of the Second World War, it seems to be reemerging. In the Communist world, it has let to separate and often conflicting policies in different countries, thus helping to break down the myth of a monolithic world Communism. In the United States, it is at least partly responsible for the international posture of the current administration. In the Middle East, clashing nationalisms are seen as the cause of continuing tension. Nationalism has spread throughout the newly emerging states of Asia and Africa and, according to Whitaker and Jordan (1969), \&quot;it has become the greatest single force at work in Latin America\&quot; (p.1).},
	url = {http://www.freepress.net/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64206,
	title = {Social-Psychological Approaches to the Study of International Relations: Definition of Scope},
	journal = {Holt, Rinehart and Winston},
	year = {1965},
	month = {Jan 31, 1965},
	publisher = {Holt, Rinehart and Winston},
	abstract = {During that past decade or so, ever{\textendash}increasing attention has been paid to the systematic analysis of the psychological aspects of international relations. There has been a steady growth of theory and empirical research on problems of international behavior in general, which has included the concerted use of psychological {\textendash} and particularly social{\textendash}psychological {\textendash} concepts and methods. Part of this development has involved the attempt to define certain aspects of war and peace as researchable problems, to which the tools of behavioral science can be applied. At the same time, psychologists and social scientists in related fields have increasingly addressed themselves to matters of policy in the field of international relations: They have questioned some of the psychological assumptions underlying various approaches to foreign policy and have developed policy recommendations based, at least in part, on psychological considerations.},
	url = {http://www.hrw.com/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64246,
	title = {The Role of the Group in the Induction of Therapeutic Change},
	journal = {International Journal of Group Psychotherapy},
	year = {1963},
	month = {Sep 26, 1963},
	publisher = {International Journal of Group Psychotherapy},
	abstract = {Psychotherapy can be regarded as a social influence situation in which the patient{\textquoteright}s relationship to the therapist is the primary vehicle for the production of therapeutic change. In individual psychotherapy, the situation is so arranged as to maximize the probability that the patient{\textquoteright}s interactions with the therapist will facilitate desirable changes in his attitudes, values, and action{\textendash}tendencies. In group psychotherapy, the patient{\textquoteright}s relationships to his fellow{\textendash}patients and to the group as a whole become additional vehicles for the production of therapeutic change. In choosing between group and individual therapy, one has to keep in mind, of course, that while group and individual therapy, one has to keep in mind, of course, that while the patient group{\textendash}relationship may serve to strengthen forces toward change, it may also bring certain counterforces into play, thus reducing the potentiality for change contained in the dyadic relationship. Whether or not group therapy seems to be indicated, given these competing forces, will depend on the characteristics of the patient, the nature of his problems, and the current status of his general treatment program. Group therapy will be resorted to when there is a reason to believe that the combination of therapist and group wil lmake for more effective influence situation and facilitate the occurrence of the particular changes that are desired.},
	url = {http://www.guilford.com/cgi-bin/cartscript.cgi?page=pr/jngr.htm\&dir=periodicals/per_psych\&cart_id=},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64251,
	title = {Processes of Opinion Change},
	journal = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
	year = {1961},
	month = {Jan 31, 1961},
	publisher = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
	abstract = {Attitude and opinion data provide a basis for inferring the meaning of opinions held by individuals and groups and also for predictions about their future behavior. Such inferences and predictions, if they are to be made effectively, require a theoretical foundation which explains the processes by which people adopt and express particular opinions. Here is a theory of three processes by which persons respond to social influence.},
	url = {http://poq.oxfordjournals.org/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64256,
	title = {Compliance, Identification, and Internalization: Three Processes of Attitude Change},
	journal = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
	year = {1958},
	note = {},
	month = {Jan 29, 1958},
	publisher = {Journal of Conflict Resolution},
	abstract = {A crucial issue in communication research relates to the nature of changes (if any) that are brought about by a particular communication or type of communication. It is not enough to know that there has been some measurable change in attitude; usually we would also want to know what kind of change it is. Is it a superficial change, on a verbal level, which disappears after a short lapse of time? Or is it a more lasting change in attitude and belief, which manifests itself in a wide range of situations and which is integrated into the person?s value system? Or, to put it in other terms, did the communication produce public conformity without private acceptance, or did it produce public conformity coupled with private acceptance? (Cf. 1, 4.) Only if we know something about the nature and depth of changes can we make meaningful predictions about the way in which attitude changes will be reflected in subsequent actions and reactions to events.},
	url = {http://jcr.sagepub.com/},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
@article {64261,
	title = {Attitude Change as a Function of Response Restriction},
	journal = {Human Relations},
	year = {1952},
	note = {},
	month = {Dec 31, 1952},
	publisher = {Human Relations},
	abstract = {A number of studies have reported on factors that affect conformity to social pressures and social norms (e.g., 2, 5, 13, 19, 24). Very little is known, however, about the relationship between conformity to social norms and actual changes in attitude. From everyday observations we are familiar with two opposing phenomena. On the one hand, there are individuals who conform outwardly to the norms of their social group, but do not really accept these norms (ef. the distinction between public and private attitudes). On the other hand, there are individuals who at first conform behaviorally and verbally to the norms of the group to which they want to belong, but who gradually internalize these norms and begin to believe them. The questions arises, then, as to the conditions under which conformity leads to actual changes in attitude, and the conditions under which it fails to do so.},
	url = {http://www.tavinstitute.org/humanrelations/hrindex.html},
	author = {Kelman, Herbert C.}
}
