What drives a state's choice to assimilate, accommodate, or exclude ethnic groups within its territory? In this innovative work on the international politics of nation-building, Harris Mylonas argues that a state's nation-building policies toward non-core groups—any aggregation of individuals perceived as an ethnic group by the ruling elite of a state—are influenced by both its foreign policy goals and its relations with the external patrons of these groups. Through a detailed study of the Balkans, Mylonas shows that how a state treats a non-core group within its own borders is determined largely by whether the state's foreign policy is revisionist or cleaves to the international status quo, and whether it is allied or in rivalry with that group's external patrons. Mylonas injects international politics into the study of nation-building, building a bridge between international relations and the comparative politics of ethnicity and nationalism. This is the first book to explain systematically how the politics of ethnicity in the international arena determine which groups are assimilated, accommodated, or annihilated by their host states.
When Lee Kuan Yew speaks, presidents, prime ministers, diplomats, and CEOs listen. Lee, the founding father of modern Singapore and its prime minister from 1959 to 1990, has honed his wisdom during more than fifty years on the world stage. Almost single-handedly responsible for transforming Singapore into a Western-style economic success, he offers a unique perspective on the geopolitics of East and West. American presidents from Richard Nixon to Barack Obama have welcomed him to the White House; British prime ministers from Margaret Thatcher to Tony Blair have recognized his wisdom; and business leaders from Rupert Murdoch to Rex Tillerson, CEO of Exxon Mobil, have praised his accomplishments. This book gathers key insights from interviews, speeches, and Lee's voluminous published writings and presents them in an engaging question and answer format.Lee offers his assessment of China's future, asserting, among other things, that "China will want to share this century as co-equals with the US." He affirms the United States' position as the world's sole superpower but expresses dismay at the vagaries of its political system. He offers strategic advice for dealing with China and goes on to discuss India's future, Islamic terrorism, economic growth, geopolitics and globalization, and democracy. Lee does not pull his punches, offering his unvarnished opinions on multiculturalism, the welfare state, education, and the free market. This little book belongs on the reading list of every world leader—including the one who takes the oath of office on January 20, 2013.
Which competences enable problem solvers to successfully deal with complex real-world
challenges such as the current economic and financial crises and in so doing, inspire
innovation and sustainable development of society? Despite the importance of these
questions, and although competences have become more center stage in management
strategy, human resource development, and public policy/public administration
research, a general theory of problem solving competence has remained elusive, largely
because of insular single-disciplinary approaches. Embedded in a comprehensive review
of management strategy, human resource development, and public policy/public
administration theories, and by contrasting American and Central-European schools of
thought, I discuss the theoretical formulations of previous competence frameworks, the
empirical support for these frameworks, and their limitations in solving complex realworld
problems. I outline how constituents of competence such as abilities, knowledge,
and skills are entrenched within a multifaceted environment and influenced by the
individual’s mental model(s). Finally, I develop a five-dimensional framework of
competences needed to solve complex real-world problems, which considers both
individual and collaborative aspects. The five core dimensions of this new competence
framework are (1) personal competence; (2) professional domain competence; (3)
systemic competence; (4) creativity competence; and (5) sociocultural (collaborative)
competence. This paper is aimed at fostering further theory development and stimulating
future research in the field of competence development.
Why do religious and political ideologies sometimes produce social and political conflict and other times co-mingle peacefully? The answer must consider both the content of competing ideologies along with the socio-political interests of their believers. In this case study of ideological competition in Central Asia, I show how both philosophical and material concerns explain why many Muslims, while openly retaining their religious-ethnic identity, became active members of an atheistic Community Party. This phenomenon did not occur amongst Christians who necessarily discarded, at least publicly, their religious identities when becoming Communists. So while religious and political conflict openly occurred in Communist societies which were predominantly Christian, many Muslims were able to accommodate their religious convictions with Soviet Communism. In the end, the creation of “Muslim Atheists” depended on not only socio-economic differences between Muslim and Christian societies but also theological differences between Muslim and Christian religions.
What is the impact of three decades of neoliberal narratives and policies on communities and individual lives? What are the sources of social resilience? This book offers a sweeping assessment of the effects of neoliberalism, the dominant feature of our times. It analyzes the ideology in unusually wide-ranging terms as a movement that not only opened markets but also introduced new logics into social life, integrating macro-level analyses of the ways in which neoliberal narratives made their way into international policy regimes with micro-level analyses of the ways in which individuals responded to the challenges of the neoliberal era. The book introduces the concept of social resilience and explores how communities, social groups, and nations sustain their well-being in the face of such challenges. The product of ten years of collaboration among a distinguished group of scholars, it integrates institutional and cultural analysis in new ways to understand neoliberalism as a syncretic social process and to explore the sources of social resilience across communities in the developed and developing worlds.
Media outlets in multiparty electoral systems tend to report on a wider range of policy issues than media in two-party
systems. They thus make more competing policy frames available to citizens. This suggests that a “free press” is insufficient
to hold governments accountable. Rather, we should observe more challenges to the governments’ preferred frames and
more politically aware citizens in multiparty democracies. Such citizens should thus be better equipped to hold their leaders
accountable, relative to their counterparts in two-party democracies. I propose a mechanism through which democratic
publics can sometimes constrain their leaders in foreign policy. I test hypotheses derived from my theory with cross-national
data on the content of news coverage of Iraq, on public support for the war, and on decisions to contribute troops to the
Iraq “Coalition of the Willing.” I find that citizens in countries with larger numbers of parties confronted more critical and
diverse coverage of Iraq, while those with more widespread access to mass media were more likely to oppose the war and
their nations likely to contribute fewer troops to the Coalition.
Some argue that sovereign debt incurred without the consent of the people and not for their benefit, such as that of apartheid South Africa, should be considered odious and not transferable to successor governments. We argue that an institution that truthfully announced whether regimes are odious could create an equilibrium in which successor governments suffer no reputational loss from failure to repay odious debt and hence creditors curtail odious lending. Equilibria with odious lending could be eliminated by amending creditor country laws to prevent seizure of assets for failure to repay odious debt and restricting foreign assistance to countries not repaying odious debt. Shutting down the borrowing capacity of illegitimate regimes can be viewed as a form of economic sanction and has two advantages over most sanctions: it helps rather than hurts the population, and it does not create incentives for evasion by third parties. However, an institution empowered to assess regimes might falsely term debt odious if it favored debtors, and if creditors anticipate this, they would not make loans to legitimate governments. An institution empowered only to declare future lending to a particular government odious would have greater incentives to judge truthfully. A similar approach could be used to reduce moral hazard associated with World Bank and IMF loans.